Category: non-conviction records

Federal expungement for survivors of human trafficking

Until this year, there was no federal law authorizing expungement or sealing of a federal conviction.  That changed on January 23, 2026, when President Trump signed into law the Trafficking Survivors Relief Act (TSRA), 18 U.S.C. § 3771A.  The TSRA authorizes courts to grant record relief in the form of vacatur and expungement to survivors of human trafficking arrested or convicted of a nonviolent federal crime as a direct result of their being a victim of trafficking, defined as sex or labor trafficking under 22 U.S.C. 7102.  Our research indicates that this is the first time in our Nation’s history that expungement of a conviction record has been explicitly authorized in federal law. The only federal authority for expungement before enactment of the TSRA was the extremely narrow provision in the so-called Federal First Offender Act, 18 U.S.C. § 3607(a), which allows a person who is arrested for misdemeanor drug possession under 21 U.S.C. § 844 to avoid a conviction by participating in a program of deferred adjudication, as long as they have no prior drug conviction.  Upon successful completion of the program, the charges are dismissed and no conviction results.  Expungement is available for the resulting non-conviction record, but only if the person was under 21 at the time of the offense. See § 3607(c).  Other than this one very limited authority, until the TRSA there was no authority in federal law to expunge or seal even acquittals and other non-conviction records.  See Section III of the Federal profile from the Restoration of Rights Project. In authorizing relief for survivors of human trafficking, Congress joined the legislatures of all but three states that have enacted similar statutes — though the federal law is one of the more expansive ones.  In addition to authorizing expungement of records, the TSRA also provides a defense to criminal charges based on being a victim of trafficking, as well as an avenue for reduction of sentence. The federal statute is analyzed in detail in the final section of this post. CCRC will shortly publish a comprehensive report on record relief for survivors of human trafficking, analyzing state laws in detail and comparing their most salient features.  In the meantime, the Restoration of Rights Project describes and analyzes the trafficking record relief law in each state; the only states that have not enacted relief specifically for trafficking survivors are Minnesota, Alaska, and Iowa, and we expect Iowa to do so when its legislature reconvenes.   Detailed analysis of the Trafficking Survivors Relief Act: Record relief in the form of vacatur and expungement first became available for survivors of trafficking in 2026, following the passage of the Trafficking Survivors Relief Act (TSRA) (H.R. 4323). The TSRA was enacted on January 23, 2026, under Public Law No. 119-73. Congress declared the TSRA as “a first step to address the changing tactics of human traffickers, who are using forced criminality as a form of force, fraud, and coercion in their human trafficking enterprises,” and “committed to continuing to find solutions as needed to thwart human traffickers and protect survivors of human trafficking.”  Relief is available for convictions or arrests for a nonviolent offense, or arrests for a violent crime that did not involve a child victim, if committed as a direct result of being a victim of trafficking, defined as sex or labor trafficking under 22 U.S.C. 7102. § 3771A(b)(1). In addition to record relief, the TSRA added a defense to criminal charges based on being a victim of trafficking and provided an avenue for reduction of sentence.  A written motion may be filed with the sentencing court or with the district and division where the person was arrested. § 3771A(b)(2). The motion may be filed at any time, as the Act applies to “any conviction or arrest occurring before, on, or after the date of enactment of this section.” § 3771A(i). No fees may be charged to file a motion, and all pleadings and orders are filed under seal, which may not be made available for public inspection. §§ 3771A(f), (g). The motion shall “describe any supporting evidence,” and “include copies of any documents showing the movant is entitled to relief.” § 3771A(b)(2). If the government files a motion in opposition within 30 days, the court must schedule a hearing. § 3771A(b)(3)(A). If no motion in opposition is filed, the court may hold a hearing no later than 45 days after the motion is filed. § 3771A(b)(3)(B). The court shall consider supporting evidence in the form of “an affidavit or sworn testimony of an anti-trafficking service provider or clinician,” which “shall be sufficient evidence” to grant relief if it is determined credible, “and no other evidence is readily available.” §§ 3771A(b)(5)(A)(i), (b)(5)(B). The court may consider other “supporting evidence the court determines is of sufficient credibility and probative value.” §§ 3771A(b)(4)(A), (b)(4)(B). An arrest or conviction for any other person related to the conduct is not required to qualify for relief. § 3771A(b)(6).  The court may grant the motion to vacate a conviction or expunge an arrest for a nonviolent offense, if it finds by a preponderance of the evidence that participation in the offense “was a direct result of the movant having been a victim of trafficking.” § 3771A(b)(4)(A). The court may also expunge arrests for a violent crime, under the same standard and nexus, if the person was acquitted, the case was dismissed, or the charges were reduced to an eligible nonviolent offense that was subsequently vacated. § 3771A(b)(4)(C). If the court grants a motion to vacate an eligible conviction, it shall: vacate the conviction for cause;  set aside the verdict and enter a judgment of acquittal; and  enter an expungement order. § 3771A(c)(1). The expungement order entered following vacatur, and any expungement order related to eligible arrests, requires all references to the arrest and criminal proceedings be expunged. §§ 3771A(c)(1)(c), (d)(1). The vacated conviction “shall not be regarded as a conviction under Federal law,” or an expunged arrest “shall be regarded as an arrest under Federal law,” returning the person to the same status held before the arrest, charges, or conviction. §§ 3771A(c)(3), (d)(2). The court is not required to, but presumably not prohibited from, amending or removing any fines or restitution ordered as part of the criminal case vacated, or a civil proceeding. § 3771A(c)(2). TSRA requires each United States attorney to submit a report to the Attorney General within 1 year of the enactment date, detailing the number of motions filed, the underlying offense, any response filed by the U.S. Attorney’s office, and final determination by the court. See Section 3(a). Also within 1 year of the enactment date, the Attorney General must submit to Congress “a report that details all professional training received by U.S. attorneys on indicators of human trafficking during the preceding 12-month period.” Section 3(b). Finally, the Comptroller General of the United States must submit a report within 3 years of the enactment date that “assess the impact of the enactment” of the TSRA that compiles the number of survivors who filed motions to vacate or expunge, and the resulting decisions, along with recommendations to increase access to post-conviction relief improve the implementation and tracking of professional training for prosecutors.” Section 3(c). Read more

Study: Texas diversion provides dramatic benefits for people facing their first felony

NOTE: In light of renewed interest in state legislatures in judicially-administered diversion and deferred adjudication programs, we are re-publishing our 2021 report on a remarkable study of deferred adjudication in Texas by researchers Michael Mueller-Smith and Kevin Schnepel. We noted at the time that “The deferred adjudication program in Texas represents the largest diversion program in the U.S. with over 200,000 participants during 2017 (the most recent year with state-wide caseload data available). Based on the findings of Mueller-Smith and Schnepel, this program may serve as a good model for other jurisdictions considering an expansion of diversion options, especially for people possibly facing their first felony conviction. by Margaret Love and David Schlussel (Feb 23, 2021). Increased use of diversion is a key feature of America’s new age of criminal justice reform. Whether administered informally by prosecutors or under the auspices of courts, diversionary dispositions aim to resolve cases without a conviction—and in so doing, conserve scarce legal resources, provide supportive services, reduce recidivism, and provide defendants with a chance to avoid the lingering stigma of a conviction record. Despite the growing popularity of diversion in this country and around the world, there has been little empirical study of its impacts on future behavior. Until now. By conjecture, the opportunity to steer clear of a criminal conviction might affect future behavior in opposing ways. An optimist might expect that diversion would motivate a person to avoid returning to court in the future, while preserving the ability to hold lawful employment, especially in places where criminal background checks are used to screen applicants. A skeptic might argue that diversion represents a lesser punishment that could increase offending by reducing either a specific or general deterrence effect. Without research showing the likelihood of one or the other outcome, policymakers, prosecutors, and judges have had to operate on untested assumptions, hoping for the best. This vacuum has now been filled by a new study of Texas’ court-managed diversion program by two economists, which should be welcome news for the optimists. Michael Mueller-Smith and Kevin Schnepel (2020) use detailed administrative data from Harris County (which covers the Houston area) to estimate the first causal impacts of a diversion program available to a large fraction of felony defendants in the state. Texas’ “deferred adjudication community supervision” allows defendants to plead guilty but have entry of a conviction deferred during a period of community supervision, with the case dismissed without a conviction upon successful completion. The arrangement must be approved by the judge. This diversion program is comparable to numerous programs administered by prosecutors and judges across the U.S., Europe, and several other countries—although many programs do not necessarily require a guilty plea. At the same time, Texas law has broad eligibility for its program compared to many otherwise-comparable American programs, making deferred adjudication potentially available to all defendants except those charged with DUI-related offenses, repeat drug trafficking near a school, a range of repeat sex crimes, and murder. The Mueller-Smith and Schnepel study finds that defendants without a prior felony conviction who participated in Texas’ deferred adjudication program experienced an immediate and dramatic reduction in subsequent offending. The total number of future convictions fell by 75% over a 10-year follow-up period, compared to similarly situated defendants who did not receive diversion. The results also suggest large improvements in labor market outcomes, including a 50% increase in formal employment rates. For the cohort studied over the longest period, “these positive effects persisted and expanded even 20 years out,” leading the authors to conclude that “diversion, at least at the critical juncture of someone’s first felony charge, has the potential to fundamentally alter an individual’s trajectory in life.” The circumstances that produced the subject data are somewhat unique: To measure the causal impacts of diversion, the analysis leverages two sudden lasting shifts in the use of diversion options (one in September 1994, another in November 2007) that each approximate an experiment where the treatment is randomly assigned to eligible felony defendants. The research design focuses on first-time felony defendants who are charged in the months preceding or following these abrupt changes, subjecting them almost arbitrarily to dramatically different case dispositions. As the study notes, “the main difference from the defendant’s perspective was that before the cut-off one could avoid a felony conviction, whereas afterwards a felony conviction was non-negotiable.” Defendants who, by chance, ended up charged at the “wrong” time and received a formal felony conviction for their first offense, went on to receive 1.6 to 1.7 additional criminal convictions and 50% lower employment rates during a 10-year follow-up period relative to their diverted peers. Perhaps the study’s most remarkable finding is that those who are often considered the most over-policed—young Black men with one or more misdemeanor convictions—gained the most from diversion. The results indicate that intervening for such individuals at a critical moment (when charged with a first felony offense) could significantly improve their life course. Interviewed for this post, one of the study authors commented about its potential impact for criminal justice policymakers: Given the trajectory toward more leniency in the U.S. criminal justice system, the results suggest that increases in diversion options may lead to lower rates of reoffending and higher rates of rehabilitation in the coming years. While much has been written about what doesn’t work in criminal justice policy in the U.S., this study provides compelling evidence for a successful intervention that both improves defendant outcomes and saves public resources. Diversion can be implemented without significant investments or changes to current infrastructure, making it a potential solution for U.S. criminal justice reform. The deferred adjudication program in Texas represents the largest diversion program in the U.S. with over 200,000 participants during 2017 (the most recent year with state-wide caseload data available). Based on the findings of Mueller-Smith and Schnepel, this program may serve as a good model for other jurisdictions considering an expansion of diversion options, especially for people possibly facing their first felony conviction. Citation: Michael Mueller-Smith and Kevin T. Schnepel, Diversion in the Criminal Justice System, The Review of Economic Studies 1-54 (2020), accessible at https://academic.oup.com/restud/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/restud/rdaa030/5856753. Note: The co-authors thank Michael Mueller-Smith, Jordan Hyatt, and Emily Greberman for their assistance in helping us understand the technical aspects of the Harris County study.   Read more

DC enacts progressive new record-clearing law

Until last month, the District of Columbia had one of the most complex and restrictive record relief laws in the country. D.C.’s sealing law even applied the same burdensome petition-based procedures, extended waiting periods, and onerous burdens of proof to non-conviction records that applied to convictions. In testimony before the D.C. Council in 2021, CCRC’s Margaret Love noted: “Compared to states across the country, DC’s record relief laws are very prohibitive and unusually complex.” CCRC’s Reintegration Report Card published in March 2022 commented that “the restoration laws in the District of Columbia are noteworthy for a remarkable study in contrasts: D.C. has extraordinarily progressive laws in civil areas like voting, employment, housing, and occupational licensing, and among the most regressive laws in the Nation in every category of criminal record relief, likely reflecting the heavy hand of the federal authorities that are responsible for most prosecutions under the D.C. Code.” Last month, everything changed. The Second Chance Amendment Act of 2022 (D.C. Law 24-284, codified at D.C. Code § 16-801 et seq.), which became final after the required period of congressional review on March 16, 2023, gave the District one of the broadest record-clearing laws in the country, including both petition-based relief for all but the most serious violent felony convictions, and automatic relief for misdemeanors and non-conviction records.  D.C. now becomes the 11th U.S. jurisdiction to enact a “clean slate” law that applies to both conviction and non-conviction records. The new D.C. record-clearing law is the product of more than two years of hard work by the D.C. Council and a broad coalition of advocacy groups in the District. When coupled with the District’s progressive civil restoration laws referenced above, this new law propels DC from middle-of-the-pack to the top tier of jurisdictions in the Nation where fair treatment of justice-affected individuals is concerned. It will certainly advance DC’s candidacy for Reintegration Champion of 2023. Though D.C. Law 24-284 is enacted, it is unfunded, which means it cannot be used. Currently, the FY24 Budget Support Act of 2023 set the effective date for the Second Chance Act as 1/1/26 for most of the law and 10/1/29 for the automatic sealing provisions. The new law’s specific provisions are described in greater detail below, and in the DC profile from CCRC’s Restoration of Rights Project. The new D.C. law provides for petition-based sealing for all non-conviction records at disposition, for all misdemeanors after a five-year waiting period, and for all but a specified group of the most serious felony convictions after an eight-year waiting period.  The waiting period begins following completion of all aspects of the sentence, except that it does not require payment of fines and other court debt. The law also facilitates procedures: e.g., not all eligible records need be sealed at the same time, as under the old law, and there are no “disqualifying offenses” that could extend the waiting period even for non-conviction records. It also eases standards, particularly for sealing non-conviction records: it deleted a provision allowing the court to consider “the weight of the evidence against the person” and any priors sealings of arrest records.  It specifically directs the court in all cases to consider “The community’s interest in furthering the movant’s rehabilitation and enhancing the movant’s reintegration into society through education, employment, and housing.” As noted, D.C.’s existing sealing law extended to same burdensome procedures and standards to non-conviction records that applied to sealing of convictions. The new law makes sealing automatic beginning in 2027 for non-conviction records, and for most misdemeanor convictions after a 10-year waiting period. It also provides for automatic expungement of marijuana convictions effective January 1, 2025, and for expungement by petition on grounds of actual innocence. Provisions in existing law authorizing expungement for victims of human trafficking and sealing for juvenile defendants were not changed. D.C. now joins the 19 states that have enacted automatic record-clearing relief for arrest records and other non-convictions.  More than half of these state laws have been enacted in the three years since publication of CCRC’s Model Law on Non-Conviction Records, which advocated for automatic expungement of all non-conviction records, including records with no final disposition, except for pending matters. Like CCRC’s model law, which was cited as authority by several parties during the hearings before the D.C. Council, the new D.C. law recommends restrictions on accessing, inquiring about, and commercially disseminating non-conviction records. Sealed records are placed in a non-public file but remain available to law enforcement, courts, prosecutors, licensing agencies, public employers, and schools and child care facilities, to be used “for any lawful purpose.” Sealed records may also be used in civil litigation relating to the arrest or conviction, and may be made available to others “upon order of the Court for good cause shown.”  An individual whose record has been sealed may deny the arrest or conviction “for any purpose”, without penalty of perjury or other provision of the law for giving a false statement. This appears to be a change from the 2006 law, which required testimony about prior arrests and convictions “in response to an inquiry from one of the entities expressly authorized to access the records.” In other words, while certain entities may gain access to sealed records, the subject of the record may lawfully deny its existence without penalty. The 2022 law imposes certain requirements on “criminal history providers” that provide criminal history background screening reports, requirements that mirror those provided by the federal Fair Credit Reporting Act.  It requires providers to provide the subject of a background report with a copy of the report and identify the source of the report, and to use at least two identifiers (e.g., birthdate and name); prohibits reporting records that have been sealed, expunged or set aside; and pohibits reporting information that has not been updated within 30 days of the report.  Complaints of a violation of these provisions may be filed with the DC Office of Human Rights (but not in court), and fines are specified for violations. There are still ways that D.C.’s sealing law could be improved.  For example, there appears to be no good reason why sealed non-conviction records should remain available to employers and licensing agencies, and in most states they are not. Automatic relief should be extended to all convictions now subject to sealing by petition, and the waiting periods for both petition-based and automatic relief seem excessive by standards in recently enacted record-clearing laws.  See CCRC’s 2022 report on waiting periods, Waiting for Relief: A National Survey of Waiting Periods for Record Clearing (February 2022).  But those caveats aside, the new law represents the most substantial progress in record clearing of any U.S. jurisdiction since 2018, when North Dakota and New Mexico enacted a broad sealing scheme for the first time.  Congratulations to the D.C. Council!         Read more

California poised to expand record clearing to cover most felonies

NOTE: On September 29, Governor Newsom signed into law both of the bills discussed in the post below. They will take effect on January 1, 2023.    California Governor Gavin Newsom is expected to sign this week two bills that will give that state the broadest record-clearing laws in the nation. Senate Bill 731 would extend both automatic and petition-based and record relief to felony-level offenses, while Senate Bill 1106 would preclude denial of relief based on outstanding court debt in most cases. When signed into law, Senate Bill 731 will place California at the forefront of record clearing nationwide. It would expand automatic record relief to all felony non-convictions since January 1, 1973, six years after the date of arrest. California law currently excludes felony arrests from eligibility for automatic relief if the charge is serious enough to potentially result in incarceration at a state prison. Other felony non-convictions remain eligible for automatic relief after three years unless the charge was punishable by eight years’ incarceration or more in a county jail, for which the new six-year wait period applies. SB 731 also expands eligibility for automatic relief to persons convicted of a felony and sentenced to probation on or after January 1, 2005, if they violated probation but later completed all terms of supervision. Current law excludes from relief anyone who violated their probation. The new law requires a four-year conviction-free period after completion of the sentence. This expansion of automatic relief does not apply to certain serious and violent felonies, and ones for which the person is required to register as a sex offender. As noted below, all but the last-mentioned category will now be eligible for relief by petition. Even before enactment of SB 731, California is one of only six states in the nation to extend automatic record relief to felony convictions (Connecticut, Colorado, Delaware, Michigan, and New Jersey are the others). The four-year waiting period in the new law is the most progressive in the country for automatic relief, though some states have shorter waiting periods for petition-based relief. For a comparison, see CCRC’s recent report, “Waiting for Relief: A National Survey of Waiting Periods for Record Clearing,” and our Restoration of Rights Project’s 50-State Comparison for automatic record clearing. The automatic relief provisions of SB 731 would take effect on July 1, 2023, subject to an appropriation in the legislature’s annual budget act. California has reportedly had some difficulty in effectuating the automatic provisions enacted in 2019 and 2021, so this promised new date for a large number of additional records must be taken with a grain of salt. According to a December 2021 op-ed (paywall) by Ericka Adams, an associate professor of criminal justice at San Jose State University, differing records at the state and county level have led to implementation issues for recent marijuana expungement legislation in California. In addition to its provisions for automatic relief, SB 731 authorizes a major expansion to petition-based record relief. A person with any felony conviction can petition for relief two years after completion of their sentence, except if the person was required to register as a sex offender. Previously, California law excluded felony convictions that resulted in a state prison sentence from any type of record relief. Notably, this expansion of petition-based relief applies only to convictions obtained on or after January 1, 2021. The second bill awaiting the governor’s signature, Senate Bill 1106, expands record relief eligibility by removing a court’s discretion to deny a petition for record relief because of a person’s unpaid victim restitution or unpaid fine. The law adds language saying, “An unpaid order of restitution or restitution fine shall not be grounds for denial of the petition for relief” to sections of the code that allow record relief by petition. The law also adds a section stating that “an unfulfilled order of restitution or a restitution fine shall not be grounds for finding that a defendant did not fully comply with and perform the sentence of the court.” Because automatic relief for convictions requires successful completion of probation or supervision, this section of SB 1106 suggests payment of restitution or restitution fines may not be required to qualify for automatic relief. Fines and fees are a significant barrier to record relief in many states. For more on this topic, see this report, “The High Cost of a Fresh Start,” by CCRC and the National Consumer Law Center. In addition to the record relief expansion provisions, SB 731 prohibits the Commission on Teacher Credentialing from considering drug possession convictions when they’re more than five years old and record relief has been granted. The new law also requires the California Department of Justice to provide criminal history information to public and private schools and other contracted entities where background checks are required. Read more

Judicial Diversion and Deferred Adjudication: A National Survey

*Update (3/3/22): the full national report, “The Many Roads from Reentry to  Reintegration,” is now available. Last week we announced the forthcoming publication of a national report surveying various legal mechanisms for restoring rights and opportunities following arrest or conviction, a revision and updating of our 2020 report “The Many Roads to Reintegration.” The first post in the series (“Expungement, Sealing & Set-Aside of Convictions”), published on February 25, gives some additional background about the report. The second post in this “preview” series (“Fair Chance Employment & Occupational Licensure”) was published on February 26.  The third part (“Executive Pardon”) was published on February 28. Today’s post concerns the role that court-managed diversionary dispositions play in reducing convictions and avoiding collateral consequences.  Since our first national report was published in 2018, many states have expanded the availability of these non-conviction dispositions, including for any defendant potentially eligible for a probationary sentence, and made record clearing more generally available. We expect to publish the whole national report, plus our Reintegration Report Card for 2022, later this week. Judicial Diversion and Deferred Adjudication: A National Survey An increasingly desirable strategy for facilitating reintegration through avoiding collateral consequences is to divert individuals away from a conviction at the front end of a criminal case. Diversion in its various forms offers a less adversarial means of resolving an investigation or prosecution through compliance with agreed-upon community-based conditions leading to dismissal of charges and termination of the matter without conviction. Diversionary dispositions are described in the Model Penal Code: Sentencing as a way to “hold the individual accountable for criminal conduct when justice and public safety do not require that the individual be subjected to the stigma and collateral consequences associated with conviction.”[1] In this understanding, diversion functions as a mechanism for ensuring accountability and facilitating rehabilitation, rather than as retribution for its own sake.[2] The effectiveness of diversionary dispositions in furthering these goals has not been studied in depth, and they are not without their controversial aspects, but existing research suggests their promise.[3] Diversion may allow for a mutually-acceptable outcome for the prosecutor and defendant in cases where the extent of culpability is not clear, where a treatment intervention seems appropriate, or where the defendant otherwise fits within some category considered deserving of leniency (e.g., human trafficking victims, veterans, “youthful offenders”). While terminology and program characteristics vary, there are two primary types of diversion: deferred prosecution or diversion is typically managed by the prosecutor and may or may not be regulated by law, while deferred adjudication is managed by the court after charges have been filed and is typically regulated by statute or court rule. Diversion may also be judicially managed, notably in treatment and other specialized “intervention” courts for those suffering from substance abuse or mental illness, and for special populations like veterans. One or both of these dispositions is authorized in every jurisdiction, and eligibility may range from narrowly-defined categories of offenses or individuals to any probation-eligible crime.[4]   Deferred prosecution is controlled by the prosecutor and may commence before or after the filing of criminal charges. Typically, it involves an agreement between the prosecutor and an arrested or charged individual that successful completion of a community-based program will terminate the criminal investigation or prosecution. While a court may be involved in approving the terms of a deferred prosecution agreement, particularly if it involves use of court supervisory or treatment resources, the prosecutor decides whether a person may participate in diversion and has complied with conditions of the agreement, so as to avoid further prosecution. Pure diversion may result in a formal decision not to prosecute (“nolle prosequi”), and the record of the defendant’s arrest and any charges may be subject to court-ordered dismissal and sealing. If the person was never charged, there may be no court record to seal, and state laws may or may not provide for limiting public access to uncharged arrest records in a state repository and law enforcement agency.[5] Deferred adjudication is most saliently distinguished from pure diversion by the more formal authority of the court to manage the criminal case, usually after charges have been filed. It is designated variously in state codes,[6] and varies also in how it is administered from state to state. It often requires a plea, admission, or finding of guilt, and almost invariably includes a period of probation and/or other conditions administered by the court, with the court deferring entry of a judgment of conviction. The prosecutor may have a say in which defendants are given the option of a deferred disposition, and in a few states even a dispositive one, but the key legal difference between the two dispositions is that the court determines whether the defendant has complied with conditions when adjudication or sentencing has been deferred, so to warrant vacating any plea and dismissing the charges. Nowadays, dismissal of the charges generally includes sealing of the record, frequently but not always at disposition. The discussion that follows focuses on deferred adjudication rather than prosecutor-controlled diversion, as the latter frequently operates informally in accordance with the policies of a specific prosecutor’s office and typically does not involve a formal court proceeding beyond placing a post-charge diversion agreement on the record. This section also does not discuss record relief mechanisms by which courts are authorized to reduce felony convictions to misdemeanors after completion of conditions, dispositions that resemble deferred adjudication in offering an alternative way of encouraging compliance and making the record eligible for expungement, but that do not have the advantage of avoiding a record of conviction.[7] Deferred adjudication first became popular in the 1970s as an efficient case management tool for prosecutors reluctant to divert entirely, and a way of maximizing the possibility that defendants could be steered out of the justice system entirely so as to avoid the collateral consequences of a conviction.[8] (Avoidance of collateral consequences was of course considerably easier in the days before digitization of criminal records and the near-universal practice of background checking.) There are pluses and minuses both for criminal defendants and for the prosecution in these types of dispositions: for defendants there is the prospect of a “clean slate” if they can manage to comply with sometimes-onerous conditions, which may include substantial financial costs for supervision or required programs, and for prosecutors there is the prospect of swift and potentially harsh consequences if a defendant fails.[9] At the same time, the long-term benefits for the community of this sort of conviction-avoidance setup for at least some defendants have been established in the research literature.[10] While every state offers some form of prosecutor-directed diversion, and many also have specialized treatment courts to which individuals may be referred on a county-by-county basis, in the past three or four years states have taken advantage of expanded court-managed diversionary dispositions to lower incarceration rates across the board, and they have made sealing more generally available after successful completion. Eligibility criteria and standards for participation in a deferred adjudication program have been broadened, and several states have enhanced their courts’ ability to offer deferred dispositions by authorizing admission of a defendant notwithstanding a prosecutor’s objection.[11]  Some states have also eliminated the requirement of a guilty plea to avoid having this disposition trigger federal collateral consequences, as some federal laws and policies—including immigration law—treat diversionary pleas as convictions, even if no judgment of conviction is ever entered by the court.[12] The map accompanying this section shows that 17 states now make deferred adjudication broadly available, in many cases for any offense eligible for a probationary sentence and without regard to prior record, leaving it up to the court to determine the appropriateness of the disposition on a case-by-case basis (frequently in consultation with the prosecutor).[13] States whose diversion authority is connected to specialized treatment courts are not included in this category. All but one of these 17 states authorize sealing upon successful completion of supervision, though Texas requires a 2-to-5-year waiting period in some cases before the court will issue an “Order of Nondisclosure.”[14] The next category of 18 states is distinguishable from the first by varying restrictions on eligibility based on offense charged or prior record and, for many, limits on record relief.[15] Florida and Louisiana alone in this group allow someone with a prior felony conviction to participate, but both restrict sealing in these cases (Florida for almost any prior record and Louisiana by a 10-year waiting period for felonies and 5 for misdemeanors). Illinois has a 5-year wait to expunge for its “Second Chance Probation” and other diversionary programs, and Idaho, Iowa, and Wyoming do not allow sealing at all. Delaware, Pennsylvania, and Oregon still restrict eligibility for their “probation before judgment” programs to misdemeanor-level cases, and Connecticut’s “Accelerated Pretrial Rehabilitation” program is reserved for individuals whose crimes were “not of a serious nature.” Some of these states also have specialized programs that defer accused individuals out of the criminal system. A third group of 7 states offer deferred dispositions leading to expungement exclusively for participation in specialized court programs, including but not limited to substance abuse treatment, or in other defined circumstances. In many of these states a court-managed drug treatment program has existed for years, although statewide statutory programs have been established in Georgia, Mississippi, and Wisconsin to target additional populations like veterans and individuals with mental health needs.[16] Many of these programs have been expanded in recent years to reach people charged with felonies who have a prior felony record.[17] A fourth group of 8 states restrict the court’s statutory deferral authority to narrow categories (e.g., first drug offenses or first misdemeanors).[18] In these states, treatment courts operate in some counties, with informal state-wide coordination. The statute authorizing deferred adjudication in federal cases was enacted in 1984 and adheres to the narrowest eligibility model, with relief narrowly targeted to youthful offenses.[19] In recent years federal courts have implemented informally various programs to divert and defer criminal defendants,[20] but there is little authority for these programs in federal statutes and no evidence of Congressional interest even in expanding the limited statutory authority that does exist. There have been only a few research studies of these programs, but those that do exist have generally found them effective in promoting desistance, employment, and earning outcomes at least for some populations.[21] Criticism of these programs generally involves their potential for coercion at the front end and intrusive supervisory regimes that many individuals will predictably fail. As the adverse consequences of a conviction record show no signs of abating, studying conviction-avoidance mechanisms like diversion and deferred adjudication should be a research priority for the academy.[22] In the end, as the public appetite for punitive prosecution and incarceration policies fades in the states, and a public commitment to rehabilitation and clean slate outcomes grows stronger, it is likely that governments will focus more resources on community-based accountability and treatment programs as opposed to custodial punishments. In this environment we can expect jurisdictions to expand reliance on court-managed diversionary programs, with additional states joining the 17 whose programs we determined to be “broadly inclusionary.” Further information about deferred adjudication procedures and eligibility can be found in in the state-by-state profiles in the Restoration of Rights Project (http://restoration.ccresourcecenter.org).   Report Card: Judicial Diversion and Deferred Adjudication The grading categories for diversion and deferred adjudication are as follows:  A. broad eligibility for deferred adjudication by type of offense and record of defendant, with sealing upon disposition. B. Less broad eligibility, including no prior felonies, and less favorable relief. C. Broad eligibility through treatment and other specialized intervention courts. D. Narrow eligibility through treatment and other specialized intervention courts. State Grades AL B AK C AZ C AR B CA D CO A CT C DE C DC D FL C GA C HI B ID B IL C IN C IA C KS D KY B LA C ME A MD A MA A MI D MN D MS A MO A MT B NE A NV C NH D NJ C NM A NY C NC D ND A OH D OK B OR C PA C RI A SC C SD C TN A TX A UT A VT A VA A WA A WV A WI D WY C Fed D End Notes [1] See American Law Institute, Model Penal Code: Sentencing (2017) §§ 6.06(2) (“Deferred Adjudication”), 6.04(2) (“Deferred Prosecution”) (same quoted phrase except “charge and” are inserted before conviction). Because one goal of this model law is to introduce more transparency and structure into a prosecutor’s administration of pure diversion, the section on deferred prosecution is considerably more detailed than the one dealing with court-managed diversion. These schemes may have been modeled on Section 301.5 of the 1962 Model Penal Code, which provides that upon successful completion of a period of probation, the court may order that the judgment “shall not constitute a conviction for the purpose of any disqualification or disability imposed by law upon conviction.” Diversionary schemes have antecedents even in the early 20th century. See, e.g., Marks v. Wentworth, 85 N.E. 81, 82 (Mass. 1908) (if “the object of the probation seems to the court to have been accomplished, in such a way as not to require any punishment of the defendant, either for his own reformation or in the interests of the public, the court may finally dispose of the case by a dismissal of it”); C. S. Potts, The Suspended Sentence and Adult Probation, 1 TEX. L. REV. 188, 190 (1923) (discussing 1913 law; “[i]f defendant is not convicted of another felony during the time assessed as punishment by the jury, he may make application for a new trial and have the case dismissed.”); Report of Committee C of the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology: Adult Probation Parole and Suspended Sentence, 1 J, Am. Inst. Crim. L. & Criminology 438, 443 (1910) (“we strongly recommend that after successful probation the indictment or complaint should be dismissed of record.”). [2] See Love, et al., Collateral Consequences of Criminal Conviction, supra note 6 at § 7:22 (“Deferred adjudication and other diversionary dispositions”); Margaret Love, Alternatives to Conviction: Deferred Adjudication as a Way of Avoiding Collateral Consequences, 22 Fed. Sent’g Rep. 6 (2009). [3] See, e.g., Michael Mueller-Smith and Kevin Schnepel, Diversion in the Criminal Justice System (January 17, 2019) (studying short- and long-term outcomes of deferred adjudication in Harris County, Texas, and finding notable benefits for young Black men with no previous involvement in the justice system), https://sites.lsa.umich.edu/mgms/wp-content/uploads/sites/283/2019/01/Diversion.pdf; Ted Chiricos et al., The labeling of convicted felons and its consequences for recidivism (17 Sept., 2007) (studying recidivism outcomes of withheld adjudications in Florida), https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1745-9125.2007.00089.x. [4] See Pretrial Diversion, National Conference of State Legislatures (September 28, 2017), available at http://www.ncsl.org/research/civil-and-criminal-justice/pretrial-diversion.aspx (providing statutes for 49 states and the District of Columbia); S.D. Codified Laws §§ 23A-3-35, 23A-3-36, 23A-27-12.2, 23A-27-13. The one state that apparently lacks any statutory diversion authority, North Dakota, provides for diversion by court rule. See N.D. R. Crim. P. 32.2.  Many of these states also have specialized treatment courts to which prosecutors may refer individuals pursuant to a deferred prosecution agreement. Courts whose diversion authority is limited to treatment courts are listed at note 172, infra. [5] See Collateral Consequences Res. Ctr., Model Law on Non-Conviction Records § 2(a)(Dec. 2019), https://ccresourcecenter.org/model-law-on-non-conviction-records/. [6] See, e.g., Ark. Code § 16-93-1206 (“suspended imposition of sentence”); Cal. Penal Code §§ 1000 & 1000.8 (“deferred entry of judgment”); Colo. Rev. Code § 18-1.3-102 (“deferred sentencing”); 11 Del. Cod. § 4218 (“probation before judgment”); Conn. Gen. Stat. § 54-56e (“accelerated pretrial rehabilitation”); Hawaii Rev. Stat. § 853-1 (“deferred acceptance of guilty plea”); Maryland Code, Criminal Procedure § 6-220 (“probation before judgment”); Mass. Gen. Laws ch. 278, § 18 (“continuance without a finding”); N.Y. Crim. Proc. Law § 170.55 (“adjournment in contemplation of dismissal”); N.D. Cent. Code § 12.1-32-02(4) (“deferred imposition of sentence”); Ohio Rev. Code § 2951.041 (“intervention in lieu of conviction); Tex. Code Crim. Proc. art. 42A.102 (“deferred adjudication community supervision”); Utah Code Ann. 77-40-104 (“plea in abeyance”); 18 U.S.C.A. § 3607 (“pre-judgment probation”). [7] See, e.g., Cal. Penal Code § 17(b) (“wobbler” charged as a felony may be reduced to a misdemeanor); Idaho Code. Ann § 19-2601(3) (reduction of felony to misdemeanor); Minn. Stat. § 609.13, subd. 1 (same); N.D. Cent. Code § 12.1-32-02(9) (same). [8] See, e.g., Yale v. City of Independence, 846 S.W.2d 193 (Mo. 1993) (“The obvious legislative purpose of the sentencing alternative of suspended imposition of sentence is to allow a defendant to avoid the stigma of a lifetime conviction and the punitive collateral consequences that follow.”); State v. Schempp, 498 N.W.2d 618, 620 (S.D. 1993) (noting that the purpose of suspended imposition of sentence is “to allow first-time offender to rehabilitate himself without the trauma of imprisonment or the stigma of conviction record”). See generally Love, Alternatives to Conviction, supra note 157, at 6. [9] See, e.g., Amy Yurkanin, Leniency for sale? Alabama offers first offenders a second chance — at a price, AL.com (Oct. 9, 2017, updated Mar. 7, 2019), https://www.al.com/news/2017/10/dismissal_for_sale_programs_of.html; see generally Nat’l Ass’n of Criminal Def. Lawyers, America’s Problem-Solving Courts: The Criminal Costs of Treatment and the Case for Reform 11 (2009), available at http://www.nacdl.org/criminaldefense.aspx?id=20191 (“Although procedures vary, the hoops through which participants must jump result in dismissals for relatively few defendants. Profound consequences flow from every failure.”). Commenting on the perils of exposing ill-equipped defendants to the high cost of failure under the Texas deferred adjudication law, a practitioner in that state recalled to one of the authors of this report that prosecutors value it as an option because it is available to a broader group of offenses than regular probation (and they have lobbied to keep it that way), and particularly because the defendant retains their full exposure to the underlying penalty. So a deferred for burglary (a first degree felony) can be violated with limited due process and get the 50 years the prosecutor wanted in the first place. They tell the baby DAs that deferred is the easy way to send someone to prison “because you know they’re going to screw up.” [10] See research reports cited in note 158, supra. [11] See, e.g., Ariz. Rev. Stat. § 11-361, amended in 2021 by HB 2186 to strike a series of restrictions on the availability of this disposition based on an individual’s prior record, and to authorize sealing; Cal. Penal Code §§ 1001.21 through 1001.29, amended in 2020 by AB3234 to permit a court to defer judgment over the objections of the prosecutor. [12] See, e.g., Or. Rev. Stat. § 475.245 (eliminating the requirement of a plea or admission to avoid triggering deportation under 8 U.S.C. § 1101(a)(48)); Colo. Rev. Stat. § 18-1-410.5 (authorizing vacating guilty pleas in diversion cases on grounds that they were entered without adequate advice of counsel). Among the other federal laws and policies that treat diversionary dispositions as a conviction if the person was required to plead guilty or admit facts sufficient to establish guilt, even if the plea has been withdraw and the case dismissed, are federal sentencing guidelines, U.S.S.G. § 4A1.2(f) and the federal Fair Credit Reporting Act, 15 U.S.C. § 1681c(a), as construed by Aldaco v. RentGrow, Inc., 921 F. 3d 685 (7th Cir. 2019). The federal banking laws independently consider diversionary dispositions to be convictions without regard to a guilty plea, see 15 U.S.C. § 1892(a)(1)(A), but the FDIC has recently amended its interpretive policy document to give effect to expungement and sealing, which should provide states with incentive to amend some of the deferred adjudication provisions that require waiting periods before sealing or do not provide for sealing at all. See Federal profile, Restoration of Rights Project, Section III(B)(3)(b), and note 128, supra. [13] The 1 states whose courts have broad deferred adjudication authority leading to expungement or sealing of the record are Alabama, Arkansas, Colorado, Massachusetts, Missouri, Nebraska, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Dakota, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, and West Virginia. Details of these laws and statutory citations are available in the relevant state profiles from the Restoration of Rights Project. [14] In Texas, people charged with non-violent misdemeanors who are discharged following “deferred adjudication community supervision” are eligible for an automatic OND, although the court may deny relief in specific cases. Those denied automatic relief, along with those charged with felonies and serious and repeat misdemeanors, may seek relief after a waiting period, two years for misdemeanants and five years for felonies. See Tex. Code Crim. Proc. art. 42A.102; Tex. Gov’t Code § 411.0725. [15] The 18 states in this category are Alaska, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Hawaii, Illinois, Idaho, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Montana, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, South Dakota, and Wyoming. [16] The seven states in this category are Arizona, Georgia, Indiana, Mississippi, New Hampshire, New York, and Wisconsin. States in other categories may also have systems of problem-solving courts offering deferred dispositions. [17] Compare, e.g., Ind. Code §§ 12-23-5-1 et seq. (deferral with prosecutor’s permission of individual charged with non-violent misdemeanor with no prior felony)(1992) with Ind. Code §§ 12-23-7.1-1, 12-23-6.1 (deferral of individual charged with non-violent felony who self-identifies as drug abuser or alcoholic who has no more than one prior felony)(2015). [18] The eight states in this category are California, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, North Carolina, Ohio, and Oregon. They are joined by the District of Columbia, whose courts have authority to defer sentencing independent of the prosecutor only in first drug possession cases. [19] See 18 U.S.C.§ 3607 (deferred adjudication if a person charged with drug possession has no prior drug conviction; expungement only if offense committed under the age of 21). [20] A 2017 report from the United States Sentencing Commission (USSC) catalogues various programs managed by federal courts that are geared to avoiding a prison sentence, though perhaps not always a criminal record. See Federal Alternative-to-Incarceration Court Programs (September 2017), https://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/research-and-publications/research-publications/2017/20170928_alternatives.pdf. That report describes generally analogous state problem-solving court programs but does not focus on statutory deferred adjudication options aimed at avoiding conviction and generally leading to expungement of the record. Perhaps because federal law contains only one narrow authority for deferred adjudication (18 U.S.C. § 3607, sometimes referred to as the Federal First Offender Act), the USSC report does not address non-incarceration outcomes that avoid a conviction record. Curiously, it does not suggest the potential usefulness of such outcomes in reducing recidivism or proposed further study of these issues. Such a study has been suggested on several occasions by the Practitioner’s Advisory Group to the USSC. [21] See supra note 158. [22] A collection of social science research into “strategies to improve reentry outcomes” judged diversion from incarceration and cognitive therapy a productive strategy, though intensive supervision was judged among the least effective. See Jennifer Doleac, Strategies to productively reincorporate the formerly-incarcerated into communities: A review of the literature. IZA Discussion Paper No. 11646 (2018). Read more