Tag: criminal records

Employment bars in long-term health care facilities declared unconstitutional in Pennsylvania

A few days ago we received the following communique from Sharon Dietrich of Community Legal Services of Philadelphia, announcing a major litigation victory that will be welcome news across the country.  On December 30 a unanimous 7-judge appeals court struck down the provisions of the Pennsylvania Older Americans Protective Services Act barring employment of people with criminal records in long-term health care facilities such as nursing homes and home health care agencies.  The provisions declared unconstitutional on due process grounds law include lifetime employment bans for offenses as minor as misdemeanor theft, which Sharon notes “prevented many Pennsylvanians with criminal records from working in that entire burgeoning field.”  The decision in Peake v. Commonwealth is here, and NPR’s report on the decision is here. I am thrilled to tell you of a powerful litigation victory in Pennsylvania today. It concerns the PA Older Adults Protective Services Act (OAPSA), which governs employment of people with criminal records in long-term health care jobs in facilities such as nursing homes and home health care agencies. The law contains lifetime employment bans on offenses ranging from murder to theft misdemeanors that prevented many Pennsylvanians with criminal records from working in that entire burgeoning field. Today, a seven judge court found the lifetime bans to be unconstitutional under our state constitution and enjoined the law’s continued enforcement. Yep, all seven judges ruled in our favor. If you have been around for a while, you may be thinking, didn’t Community Legal Services win that case a long time ago? We thought so, in 2003 in a case called Nixon. That was a ruling that applied to five individuals and a big non-profit. The state legislature never took the steps that were anticipated to make the law constitutional, and we felt compelled to seek an injunction so that it would be struck down in its entirety, which is what the decision does. For the lawyers getting this communique, the state constitutional grounds were due process and irrebuttable presumption. There is also an useful discussion about the standards for facial constitutional challenges. We anticipate that this decision may be helpful on state-created employment barriers beyond criminal records (such as child abuse and neglect records and overbroad licensing requirements). This litigation was spearheaded for CLS by my colleague Janet Ginzberg. Jamie Gullen and I were other CLS staff on the case. Our pro bono team was also key, doing much of the heavy lifting. Tad LeVan, a sole practitioner (take that, you lawyers too busy for pro bono work!), did much of the briefing and argued the case. Robert LaRocca of Kohn, Swift & Graf and Seth Kreimer of the University of Pennsylvania Law School also did essential work. We are also grateful to Kiminori Nakamura and Julien Savoye as serving for experts for us, pro bono, on redemption research. We now wait to see if there is an appeal, but the 7-0 lineup encourages me to think that the State might not continue. It is a great way for CLS’s clients to begin a new year. Read more

Access to Individual Criminal History Information in India

  India, like the U.S., is a federal political system comprised of states. In both countries, the states have primary authority over creation, disclosure, use and collateral consequences of criminal records, albeit within a basic national framework. Police and courts both create and maintain criminal records required to carry out investigatory and adjudicatory functions. However, unlike in the U.S., Indian court records are not systematically available to the public and law enforcement agencies are generally prohibited from disclosing individual criminal history information for non-criminal justice purposes. There are no private information companies engaged in selling criminal background records to employers, landlords, volunteer organizations, and curious individuals. In India, police records are created in dozens of local languages, making record sharing difficult, even among police departments. What’s more, police records are not fingerprint supported and often not even photo-supported. Thus, confirming an arrestee’s identity is a major challenge, especially if s/he is not a local person. The challenge is compounded by the fact that many Indians share the same name. An initiative to assign every Indian resident a national identification number is only beginning to be implemented. There is no Indian equivalent to the U.S. Interstate Identification Index (Triple I), an electronic fingerprint-supported database that permits a police officer anywhere in the country to determine almost immediately whether a suspect or arrestee has ever been arrested anywhere in the U.S. Moreover, all public and many private sector employers are authorized by federal and state law to obtain individual criminal history information from the Triple I. By contrast, and as noted in an earlier post, Indian police are prohibited from disclosing criminal record information to non-law enforcement entities and persons. India’s federal government has embarked on a Crime and Criminal Tracking Networking System (CCTNS) which would link every police precinct through state of the art information technology. In addition, there is a plan for state-level Crime Record Bureaus, much like U.S. state-level criminal record repositories, consisting of databases of individuals suspected, arrested, prosecuted and convicted in that state. However, these initiatives will take many years to complete. To be useful, they will need to translate and incorporate old records and be fingerprint supported. Courts provide the other important source of criminal records. State laws govern access to and disclosure of court records. While trial court judgments are public, court files are not. Even the defendant needs the court’s permission to see the file, and special permission to copy it. A third party would have to petition the chief judge. Criminal judgments are increasingly available to the public via e-court system databases and private databases. The e-courts website is in English, while the judgment is uploaded in the local language used by the trial courts. High court and Supreme Court case judgments are sold to and reported by private publishers. While it is not uncommon for employers to ask job applicants to disclose criminal convictions, employers rarely conduct or commission background checks, probably because there is no easy and reliable way to retrieve the information.  Firms that conduct criminal background checking services are rarely used and only for sensitive or high-level positions or to investigate prospective business partners. Finally, in India, there is no equivalent to the U.S. federal and state on-line sex offender websites and databases. Read more

Vermont becomes the 16th state to ban the box!

On April 22 Vermont became the 16th state to remove the question about criminal record from most state employment applications.   By Executive Order of Governor Peter Shumlin, people applying for most state jobs will not be required to undergo a background check until after they have been deemed qualified and offered an interview.       http://pagead2.googlesyndication.com/pagead/osd.jshttp://api.bounceexchange.com/bounce/init1.js?tojQ=function&tzo=240&is_preview=false&website_id=914&resolution=1112×770&referrer=&calling_url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.burlingtonfreepress.com%2Fstory%2Fnews%2Fpolitics%2F2015%2F04%2F21%2Fvermont-criminal-history-ban-box%2F26141535%2F&visit_cookie=%7B%22lp%22%3A%22http%253A%252F%252Fwww.burlingtonfreepress.com%252Fstory%252Fnews%252Fpolitics%252F2015%252F04%252F21%252Fvermont-criminal-history-ban-box%252F26141535%252F%22%2C%22r%22%3A%22%22%7D&cookie=%7B%22v%22%3A%7B%22bx_click_url%22%3A0%2C%22bx_click_cid%22%3A0%2C%22pre_conv_url%22%3A%22http%3A//www.burlingtonfreepress.com/story/news/politics/2015/04/21/vermont-criminal-history-ban-box/26141535/%22%2C%22referrer%22%3A0%2C%22article_count%22%3A2%2C%22article_url%22%3A%22http%3A//www.burlingtonfreepress.com/story/news/politics/2015/04/21/vermont-criminal-history-ban-box/26141535/%22%7D%2C%22fvt%22%3A1422053351%2C%22vid%22%3A1430147252843978%2C%22ao%22%3A0%2C%22as%22%3A0%2C%22vpv%22%3A1%2C%22d%22%3A%22d%22%2C%22lp%22%3A%22http%253A%252F%252Fwww.burlingtonfreepress.com%252Fstory%252Fnews%252Fpolitics%252F2015%252F04%252F21%252Fvermont-criminal-history-ban-box%252F26141535%252F%22%2C%22r%22%3A%22%22%2C%22cvt%22%3A1430147252%2C%22gcr%22%3A65%2C%22m%22%3A0%2C%22lvt%22%3A1430147252%2C%22ibxt%22%3A%22MTQyMjA1Mjc0Nzg2OTA5Mg%253D%253D%22%2C%22sid%22%3A0%7D&vars%5Bsubscription%5D=none&vars%5Bbx_click_url%5D=0&vars%5Bbx_click_cid%5D=0&vars%5Bpre_conv_url%5D=http%3A//www.burlingtonfreepress.com/story/news/politics/2015/04/21/vermont-criminal-history-ban-box/26141535/&vars%5Breferrer%5D=0&vars%5Bpaymentcard%5D=false&vars%5Blogged_in%5D=false&vars%5Barticle_visible%5D=true&vars%5Barticle_count%5D=2&vars%5Barticle_url%5D=http%3A//www.burlingtonfreepress.com/story/news/politics/2015/04/21/vermont-criminal-history-ban-box/26141535/&vars%5Barticle_change%5D=0&vars%5Bgravity_ad_show%5D=false&vars%5B/neil-young-play-first-show-vermont%5D=false&vars%5B/winooski-rejects-new-obriens-liquor-license%5D=false&vars%5B/winooski-will-join-lawsuit%5D=false&vars%5B/vermont-finishers-boston-marathon%5D=false&vars%5B/neil-young-fans-line-tickets%5D=false&vdef%5Bbx_click_url%5D=0&vdef%5Bbx_click_cid%5D=0&vdef%5Bpre_conv_url%5D=0&vdef%5Breferrer%5D=0&vdef%5Barticle_count%5D=0&vdef%5Barticle_url%5D=0 “When we hire in-state, the first question will not be whether you’ve been convicted or arrested,” Shumlin said. “We will hold that question until the interview and give you a chance to qualify for the job for which you’ve applied.” About 8 percent of people seeking Vermont state jobs checked the criminal history box last year, according to the state Human Resources Commission.   Certain sensitive and law enforcement positions are excepted. In remarks at a signing ceremony, Shumlin and a key lawmaker said they were “waiting to see” if private employers ought also to be required to postpone inquiry into a job applicant’s criminal record. Governor Shumlin also reported that the Vermont legislature is “nearly finished” with a bill to allow more Vermonters to expunge criminal convictions from their records, including for youthful offenses.  Last year Vermont enacted the Uniform Collateral Consequences of Conviction Act, which authorizes courts to relieve mandatory collateral sanctions, and gives employers a measure of protection against liability for negligent hiring. Important support for the ban-the-box order came from T.J. Donovan, Crittenden County State’s Attorney: This is about reconciliation.  No prosecutor or judge expects a petty larceny or minor theft conviction to keep an offender from ever getting a job again.  Many times we don’t consider what that scarlet letter or that conviction is going to do to folks three, five, 10 years down the road. Some states, including Illinois, Hawaii and New Jersey, have passed laws that prohibit private employers from asking about criminal histories on job applications.  A committee of the Vermont House is is considering a similar bill, and Shumlin said “it’s worth a look”: “I would hope that by the state leading by example, that many private employers might adopt the same policy,” Shumlin said. “I know that’s happening in other states around the country.” “The state’s experience with this with state workers will help inform our process as we move forward with it in the future,” said Rep. Helen Head, D-South Burlington, chairwoman of the House labor committee. Read more

India’s History Sheet

The following post concerns the use of police records in India, which are (like police records in this country) generally not available to the public, yet have important implications for individual privacy.  In a later piece the authors will discuss Indian policy and practice on court records, which are publicly available and may be used by employers and others to deny benefits and opportunities.  Ed.  Comparative analysis is always good for the soul. As we think deeper and more broadly about the types, status and use of criminal records, it is helpful to consider laws and practices in other countries. Toward that end, this post illuminates the most salient and interesting type of criminal record in India, the “history sheet” and its cousin the “rowdy sheet”.  History and rowdy sheets are analogous to our criminal intelligence databases, but are more subject to legal constraints.  At the same time, they are more vulnerable to public disclosure because they call for intensive and frequently conspicuous monitoring both by police and civilian leaders. Since the days of the British Raj, Indian police departments have created history sheets and rowdy sheets for persons believed to pose a risk of future criminality. The “history-sheeter” may have been convicted, or have criminal charges pending. The “rowdy-sheeter” has committed or abetted the commission of offenses involving breach of peace.  History sheeters and rowdy sheeters are subject to monitoring and surveillance. Although India, like the U.S., is s a federal system where criminal record laws/policies vary from state to state, all states require automatic creation of a history sheet for persons with certain criminal records.  For example, Tamil Nadu requires creation of a history sheet for  a person convicted once of a serious violent crime, twice for house breaking, three times for theft and certain other offenses. The police generally also have discretion to create a HS on an individual who has  not been convicted, but whom police consider “addicted to crime” or a threat to public order. The police must have an articulable reason for creating a HS. And they must notify the record-subject that a history sheet has been opened. (Consider that, in the U.S., the police can add an individual to a gang intelligence file without notice.) The Indian history sheeter can challenge the HS decision in the state high court, although cost and delay undermine the effectiveness of that remedy. From a U.S. perspective, the HS is something like a cross between a rap sheet and a criminal intelligence database.  However, the HS it is not digitized, fingerprint-supported or  stored in a centralized database.  Each local police station maintains its own HS and RS files. In the large cities, several police stations can have an HS on the same person. The police, with the assistance of the village officials are obliged to surveil and record information about the activities and movements of history-sheeters and rowdy-sheeters who reside in their jurisdiction. There are court restrictions and police best practice guidelines, varying from state to state, on the level of permissible monitoring and surveillance. There are many federal and state court decisions regulating when a HS can be opened, how long it can be kept, the intensity of surveillance that it authorizes and when it must be closed (e.g. after an acquittal).  Courts have held that surveillance of history-sheeters must not be excessive. Some State Courts and some police agencies have issued best practice guidelines  stating, for example, that  first-time history-sheeters should be especially closely watched; surveillance should be discrete; domiciliary visits are not permitted; family members must not be harassed; police officers should make periodic and routine inquiries about the history-sheeter’s habits, associations, income, expenses and occupation; the police officers shall record history-sheeter’s movements and absences from his domiciliary home or area where he lives. The HS has been subject to constitutional challenge on privacy grounds. The India Supreme Court has recognized that police surveillance based upon an HS implicates a limited right to privacy implicit in the Constitutional right to life and personal liberty. According to the court, every individual’s autonomy should be respected; there is a right to be left alone. However, the right to privacy is not absolute[1], and the creation of a history sheet and surveillance of the history-sheeter is not unconstitutional if carried out in compliance with legal standards or, in the absence of standards, if conducted reasonably.[2] In one case, the India Supreme Court, struck down home visits as infringing on the right to personal liberty and freedom of movement.[3] Police are supposed to update the file periodically with both favorable and unfavorable information gathered via routine police patrols and enquiries. Such information should be recorded impartially, not with an eye toward compiling a negative case against the record-subject.  With respect to convicted persons, the HS is supposed to be retained for two years after completion of sentence, unless the police commander decides that it should be retained longer, even indefinitely. The history sheet, including a photo of the history-sheeter, is a confidential record.  The police are not authorized to disclose to public or private employers whether a job applicant or employee is a history-sheeter, much less what information the HS contains. However, the surveillance/crime control purpose of the HS requires that police officers have easy access to the HS and RS. Local police can only monitor and surveil record-subjects if they know who they are. The HS is supposed to be shared with the Railway Police. If the history-sheeter moves to another jurisdiction, the HS is transferred to the new jurisdiction’s police department.  Moreover, for proper police reasons, the police may show the public a history-sheeter’s photos when necessary to capture a fugitive or solve a crime. In those jurisdictions where corruption is prevalent, unlawful record disclosures and data security generally is a problem. In sum, Indian law and policy recognize that police records, though necessary for crime control, implicate privacy and individual autonomy. The courts have struggled to regulate the history sheet system by providing court review for individuals objecting to their HS designation and by limiting police discretion to open, maintain and conduct surveillance.   Unfortunately, to our knowledge, there has not been empirical research to illuminate how police in different jurisdictions use and abuse their history and rowdy sheet making authority.     [1] Govind v. State of M.P. And Others (S. Ct. of India 1975) (even if it be assumed that Article 19(5) does not apply in terms, as the right to privacy of movement cannot be absolute, a law imposing reasonable restriction upon it for compelling interest of State must be upheld as valid). [2] Malak Singh v. State of Punjab (S. Ct. of India 1981) (discreet surveillance of suspects, habitual and potential offenders, may be necessary and so the maintenance of history sheet and surveillance register may be necessary too, for the purpose of prevention of crime. Permissible surveillance is only to the extent of a close watch over the movements of the person under surveillance and no more. So long as surveillance is for the purpose of preventing crime and is confined to the limits prescribed by Rule 23.7 we do not think a person whose name is included in the surveillance register can have a genuine cause for complaint.). [3] Kharak Singh v. Union of India (S. Ct. of India, 1963) (Regulation 236 (b) which authorizes “domiciliary visits” is struck down as unconstitutional).       Read more

Forgiving v. forgetting: A new redemption tool

The following thought-provoking piece about the growing popularity of judicial “certificates of good conduct” was first published in The Marshall Project (www.themarshallproject.org) a nonprofit news organization focused on the US criminal justice system. The “forgiving” approach to avoiding or mitigating collateral consequences is an important alternative to the “forgetting” approach advocated by proponents of expungement or sealing, which tend in any event to be limited to minor dated offenses or arrests not resulting in conviction.         Forgiving v. Forgetting:  For offenders seeking a new life, a new redemption tool. In February of 2003, a much younger Barack Obama rose before the Illinois State Senate to introduce a new piece of legislation that, he said, contained a compromise. The bill would help job-seekers who had long ago been convicted of a nonviolent crime (or two, at most) overcome the barriers to employment that came with having a criminal history. But the bill would do so without expunging their records. Instead, Obama’s bill would create a final, years-later stage on the timeline of these ex-offenders’ cases. They had already completed the stages of arrest, booking, indictment, plea bargaining or trial, sentencing, incarceration and/or probation. Now, ex-felons who had stayed crime-free for a few years would be eligible to come back to court and, in a full-blown hearing before a judge, attempt to “prove” that they had been rehabilitated. Any ex-offender who succeeded in doing so, Obama announced, would be granted one of two new legal documents, the Certificate of Good Conduct or the Certificate of Relief from Disabilities. The certificate would represent an official assurance to employers – though, again, short of full expungement – that the ex-offender should no longer be judged for his or her crimes. More concretely, the good conduct certificate would make the ex-offender eligible for a range of municipal jobs, including in the public schools, the transit system, and the parks; the certificate of relief would remove barriers to a range of licenses, from real estate to barbering, cosmetology, and mortician’s licenses. Finally, any private employer who hired the now officially rehabilitated ex-offender would be insulated from liability suits claiming negligent hiring. Obama’s bill was passed and went into effect one year later. Ever since, the granting of so-called Certificates of Rehabilitation has become an increasingly popular compromise version of full expungement in courts around the country. Between 2009 and 2014, nine states and Washington, D.C. began issuing the documents, also called certificates of relief, recovery, achievement, or employability. “These certificates are a remarkably dynamic new option,” says Kari Hamel, a civil legal aid attorney in North Carolina who is working to make the certificates – available in that state since 2011 – more accessible to more people with criminal records. “It’s a way of showing employers that the crime someone committed probably wasn’t committed yesterday. It makes what has happened since the crime a fully official part of that person’s record, for all employers to see.” “That’s the key,” she adds. “Rehabilitation is absolutely a part of a person’s history of trouble with the law, it’s just the second part, the positive part.” Paul Biebel, the presiding judge for Chicago’s criminal court, agrees that the certificates are a promising new option. “Only over the last few years have we seen more of these coming through the court,” he says of the certificates, “but I feel very strongly that they are an additional tool in a judge’s toolbox to evaluate people. We judges are prepared to send people to prison. But now, if the evidence proves rehabilitation, we also have a tool for redeeming people.” The new certificates have burst onto the scene amid emerging bipartisan consensus that the consequences for committing low-level nonviolent crimes – including the collateral consequences, such as difficulty getting a job[1] years later – should not be interminable. The Redeem Act, a bill sponsored by Senators Cory Booker and Rand Paul that would expand expungement for crimes committed as a juvenile, has picked up steam in Congress. President Obama, meanwhile, has highlighted the issue of the long-term impact of criminal records, particularly through his My Brother’s Keeper[2] initiative. This consensus is rooted in the fact that between 70 and 100 million Americans have an arrest, charge or conviction in their pasts. And, with the rise of the Internet, even a minor run-in with the law has been transformed from a temporary experience into a permanent one. This does not mesh well with the American ideal of self-reinvention. Yet despite the emerging agreement that many ex-offenders deserve second chances, not everyone agrees that these new certificates are the best way to go about providing redemption. Sharon Dietrich is one such critic. Dietrich is a civil legal aid attorney in Philadelphia and the author of “One Strike and You’re Out,” a report on the collateral consequences of criminal records, and she believes full expungement is always preferable to certificates. “Forgetting,” she says, “either by expunging someone’s record altogether or by permanently sealing it, is a much better solution than forgiving, which is what these certificates claim to do.” The certificates are a “weak compromise,” she adds, because they “rely on employers to do the right thing. But most employers will ignore the document that says you’ve been rehabilitated, and focus instead on the part about how you were arrested.” Supporters of the certificates argue that “forgetting” is a pipe dream. For one thing, law enforcement agencies often resist expungement, because it purges the record of information that might be useful in future investigations. James Jacobs, a professor of law at New York University and the author of “The Eternal Criminal Record,” says that even if expungement were more available, it would be a kind of “fraud” in the age of the Internet. “Expungement is not amnesia,” he says. “The information remains out there on the Internet. These private background check companies [such as LexisNexis, HireRight, and FirstAdvantage] have no incentive to remove expunged or out-of-date information.” Background checks on job applicants are frequently inaccurate[3] even without expungement, he said. Then again, certificates are not useful at all if ex-offenders – and employers – do not know about them, or do not know who is eligible. And even once ex-offenders know about the option, the process of affirmatively filing for a certificate is extremely complex. The burden to prove rehabilitation is on the applicant, not the prosecution. To be successful requires gathering documents from multiple agencies, letters of support from community members, and proof of sobriety, then arranging all of it into a narrative that demonstrates “rehabilitation.” In other words, the success of these certificates depends heavily on local lawyers, primarily from civil legal aid[4] organizations, taking a grassroots approach to informing people about what certificates are available and how to file for them. In New York, for instance, one of the few states to begin offering the certificates before Illinois, an average of only 261 per year were issued between 1995 and 2005. Between 2007 and 2010, as civil legal aid organizations started educating ex-offenders about the certificates, that number shot up to 2,040 per year. More recently, two of the most robust approaches to making these new certificates more accessible and understandable are underway in Illinois and North Carolina. In Chicago, Cabrini-Green Legal Aid has led the effort to inform people about the certificates. CGLA operates a Help Desk at the downtown Chicago courthouse, as well as a dial-in hotline, to educate ex-offenders about the certificates and get them started with the application process. And, according to Cynthia Cornelius, CGLA’s director of client and community services, the organization has recently begun to meet with and educate local employers. “None of this works unless employers know what these certificates are,” she says, “and why they should respect job applicants who have earned the certificates.” But making the certificates a useful option is not only about education, it is also about representation. So, in a statewide effort called Second Chances,[5] sixteen of the Illinois’ largest law firms have partnered with CGLA, supplying hundreds of pro bono lawyers to help process petitions for certificates. Down in North Carolina, the first step was to make the certificates available under the law, as Obama did in Illinois. Despite the anti-progressive climate in the state legislature, says Bill Rowe, chief counsel of the North Carolina Justice Center, securing “certificate legislation” was politically feasible. “Democrat or Republican, we all know someone here in North Carolina with a minor mistake holding them back,” says Rowe, “and minor mistakes are the types of mistakes we’re talking about forgiving with these certificates, not major mistakes. It’s not a ‘them’ issue, like some of the other divisive issues in the legislature; it’s an ‘us’ issue.” With the certificates in place, the next step was getting the word out. Hamel, the civil legal aid attorney, explains that Legal Aid of North Carolina operates mobile legal clinics deep in the Blue Ridge mountains, informing the people there about the certificates. Before each clinic, Hamel notifies the local newspapers in the towns where she is headed, asks the radio stations to broadcast PSAs, and contacts local domestic violence shelters and V.A. centers to get people to come out for the clinic. To bring employers on board, Hamel has help from Ben David, a local D.A. in Wilmington, North Carolina, who has convened the Hometown Hires program. David meets regularly with hundreds of the top employers in southeastern North Carolina to convince them to hire people with criminal records, especially people who have these certificates. “This is about working on criminal records,” David says, “which takes a lot of time, because it’s about the long-term, not just the open-and-shut part of the case. But as a D.A., I feel I should take active steps to stop prosecuting folks who are just trying to get jobs, and these certificates and the other new options, I think, are a way of stopping the endless prosecution of job seekers.” But in the end, says Jacobs, even with robust information campaigns, certificates are “not a magic bullet.” “If everyone gets a certificate,” he says, “then the certificate has no credibility, and employers won’t respect it. So we can’t give certificates to people who don’t deserve one.” But the hard truth, Jacobs says, is that a considerable fraction of people with criminal histories do not deserve a certificate, because they “are still struggling with drug addiction, mental illness, and tremendous deficits. They are not rehabilitated to the point of deserving a certificate, but they do deserve our help.” In other words, rehabilitation for most ex-offenders requires actually working with them while they are being rehabilitated, not just rewarding them afterward if they can do it on their own. “Finding a route back to where some of these people have never been,” says Jacobs: “That requires more than just a certificate.”     [1] Over 80 percent of employers run criminal background checks, according to the Society for Human Resource Management. [2]  My Brother’s Keeper initiative is a collaboration between the White House and local businesses, foundations, and cities, aimed at creating more jobs and civic opportunities for young men of color [3] In 2012, 600,000 job applicants received inaccurate FBI background checks. For these reasons, Jacobs argues, ex-offenders are better off if they are equipped with an affirmative document, like a certificate, with which they can respond when employers inevitably find something damning on the Internet. [4] The right to counsel is not guaranteed when there is no active criminal prosecution, which is why civil legal aid lawyers, not criminal defenders, are responsible for helping people with these certificates. [5] The Second Chances program is part of the nationwide IMPACT Project, a project inspired by Vice President Joe Biden to encourage pro bono lawyers to work more closely with legal aid lawyers.     Read more