Category: Policy

NJ AG tells prosecutors collateral consequences may determine which marijuana violations to pursue

New Jersey Attorney General Gurbir Grewal recently issued new Guidance reminding municipal prosecutors that they cannot categorically refuse to prosecute marijuana cases while the Legislature is considering proposals relating to decriminalization.  That said, the guidance reminds prosecutors that they have considerable discretion when deciding which maijuana cases to pursue.  While this advice is fairly standard stuff, the second half of the guidance document is a fascinating glimpse into prosecutorial decision-making as it relates to collateral consequences.  It follows a growing scholarly and legal consensus calling for opening the “black box” that is the prosecutorial mindset. For too long, the thought-processes behind prosecutorial decisions have eluded the public eye. In essence, the guidance advises that the decision whether or not to bring charges may depend upon a defendant’s exposure to severe collateral consequences if convicted. Recognizing that prosecutors should consider collateral consequences brings their obligations closer to those imposed on defense attorneys by the Supreme Court eight years ago in Padilla v. Kentucky. Padilla required defense attorneys to know the immigration consequences faced by their clients or risk being labeled constitutionally ineffective. Many defense attorneys, public defenders, and legal aid organizations have devoted substantial effort to ensuring their clients know about housing, employment, educational, and other consequences that might attach to a conviction. But any public defender can tell you that reliance on overburdened defense and legal aid attorneys to warn defendants and educate prosecutors about collateral consequences is bound to frustrate the goal of increasing systemic literacy.  The value of the new AG guidance is in placing a burden on prosecutors to discover and take into account the effect of collateral consequences in particular cases in deciding whether or not to prosecute. Treating awareness about collateral consequences as a defense-only problem ignores an important reality: that the lack of awareness about collateral consequences is pervasive throughout the system, and many front line prosecutors could better appreciate the range of consequences faced by individuals after a plea deal. In most cases, prosecutors hold almost all of the cards and have significant resource advantages. They are the architects of dispositions through a variety of bargaining tactics. Some prosecutors see consideration of collateral consequences during prosecution as beyond their purview, instead focusing solely on the elements of the crime and nothing else. Others consider collateral consequences as a way to accomplish objectives not achievable by the criminal system. The Guidance from the New Jersey Attorney General aims to put both on the table. Prosecutorial awareness of collateral consequences relates directly to a prosecutor’s obligation to do “justice,” both as a legal and ethical matter. Collateral consequences are often harsher than direct punishments themselves. They can inhibit full reentry, incapacitate unnecessarily, and essentially amount to double-punishment for the same crime. Even the most retributive prosecutor has to concede that many automatic collateral consequences are disproportionate to the original offense, especially for low-level, order-maintenance offenses. Additionally, and although New Jersey has a broader right to counsel than exists at the federal level, some defendants remain unrepresented in low-level prosecutions that have serious consequences. This means that a defense attorney may not even exist to help the defendant gain awareness of collateral consequences. In those instances, a prosecutor’s willingness to consider such consequences is crucial to ensure fairness and equity. In short, there is more work to be done. In addition to allowing prosecutors to consider collateral consequences in marijuana-related prosecutions, prosecutor offices should devote resources to learning about the range of consequences faced by criminal defendants in other cases. Offices should have field guides to such consequences, including the ones that are most common for certain types of offenses. This heightened awareness, coupled with a new appreciation for the role of the 21st century prosecutor tasked with doing justice, could contribute to more just plea-bargaining all around, as both parties will be more informed about whether a particular disposition is “just.” Second, for cases involving unrepresented defendants, a working group could be created to study whether there is room for a legal basis for having prosecutors involved in the informing of defendants about potential and automatic collateral consequences that might result from a plea. Of course, any such solution would need to comport with the applicable legal and ethical obligations of prosecutors towards unrepresented persons. Third, future guidance could be issued regarding consideration of collateral consequences during other phases of a prosecution. The same collateral consequences also appear during bail determinations, probation or parole violation proceedings, and at expungement hearings. Although these stages of a prosecution do not bear directly on guilt or innocence, the prosecutor’s stance can influence a judge’s decision, and New Jersey law affords prosecutors authority to intervene. Other states have similar statutes, meaning additional attention is needed in these areas.   Read more

Vermont AG supports opportunities for diversion and expungement

Vermont Business Magazine recently showcased the leadership shown by Vermont Attorney General TJ Donovan in criminal justice reform.  Most notably, he has streamlined the process for seeking expungement, and increased opportunities to avoid a record entirely through greater use of diversion for less serious offenses.  The importance of enabling people to avoid a criminal record altogether through these two mechanisms cannot be overstated.  Donovan also championed last year’s bail reforms that will ensure low-income individuals are not held in jail prior to trial simply because they are poor. The article is worth posting in full as an illustration of a new breed of prosecutor committed to reducing the ill effects of the “tough on crime” era on individuals and communities least able to overcome them. Attorney General TJ Donovan will testify today before the Joint Legislative Justice Oversight Committee in support of expungements for low-level offenses, one of the signature issues of his Community Justice Division. The Community Justice Division has made significant progress in a wide range of criminal justice reform initiatives. Notably, referrals to Court Diversion programs have more than doubled in the past year. Also, the bail reform bill the Community Justice Division advocated for is now law. In addition, the process of seeking an expungement has been streamlined and charges that do not result in convictions will be expunged or sealed rapidly in most cases. The Community Justice Division was created by Attorney General Donovan in 2017. Since July 2017, the rate of referral to all Court Diversion programs in Vermont has more than doubled, from 10% to 24%. The steep increase in Court Diversion participation is the result of statutory and programmatic changes led by Attorney General Donovan. Act 61, passed in 2017, made important changes to the Court Diversion and Pretrial Services programs in order to expand access. The majority of Diversion participants are charged with misdemeanors, such as disorderly conduct, petit larceny, and unlawful mischief. Referrals to Court Diversion programs are made by State’s Attorneys and all Diversion programs are administered by the Attorney General’s Office. “The Diversion model allows individuals the opportunity to take responsibility for their actions, repair the harm they have done, and get the help they need to make their victims, the community, and themselves whole,” said Attorney General Donovan. Once a participant successfully completes Diversion his or her case will be dismissed. Act 61 also created the new Tamarack Program, which provides a court diversion path for individuals who suffer from mental health and substance abuse challenges. Remarking on the increase in referrals, Attorney General Donovan stated, “I am very pleased to see the remarkable expansion of Diversion statewide and I am grateful to our legislative partners and the State’s Attorneys for their assistance in these reforms. This expansion will give more Vermonters the chance to repair harm they may have done to their community without carrying the burden of a criminal conviction that could damage their chances for stable and productive lives.” The Attorney General also championed a significant bail reform bill during the 2018 legislative session, which is now law. The bail reform law, Act 164, contains a package of reforms to ensure low-income individuals are not held in jail prior to trial simply because they are poor. “Staying in prison even for a short time can have dire economic consequences and a devastating effect on families,” Attorney General Donovan said. “Bail reform will help ensure that only those who are a danger to the community or a genuine risk of flight from prosecution will be held in jail prior to trial.” Attorney General Donovan has taken a leading role in supporting expungements for low-level offenses. Expungements erase an individual’s criminal record after they have lived without further criminal involvement for a period of time. General Donovan is scheduled to testify today before the Joint Legislative Justice Oversight Committee that the legislature should further lower barriers to expungement by decreasing the fees necessary to file a petition for expungement with the courts. “Expungement is a vital tool for increasing access to jobs and economic opportunity for low-income Vermonters,” said Attorney General Donovan. Beyond these two areas, the Community Justice Division has supported the expansion of medication-assisted treatment for Vermont inmates. “This type of support for addicted inmates is a vital issue of public safety for Vermonters and their families. It will save lives while reducing unsafe, addiction-driven behavior in our communities.” The Attorney General’s Community Justice Division was created by Attorney General Donovan in 2017. It houses and supports the Mental Health Crisis Response Commission, which investigates police interactions with mentally ill individuals in order to promote safer outcomes and protect life and dignity. It also houses and supports the Racial Disparities in Criminal and Juvenile Justice Advisory Board, looking for ways to address and end the injustice of unequal outcomes on the basis of race in criminal and juvenile proceedings. The Community Justice Division also lends assistance to the Vermont NEA’s efforts to cut the school-to-prison pipeline with its Racial Justice Taskforce. Read more

Expungement in Indiana – A radical experiment and how it is working so far

Note: This is the first of what we anticipate will be a series of reports on some of the more progressive restoration schemes enacted in the past several years.   Marion County Deputy Prosecutor Andrew Fogle says the four years since Indiana enacted a broad “second chance” law have been like “the Wild West.”  Fogle, who oversees petitions for expungement for his office in Indiana’s most populous county, agreed to be interviewed about what may be the Nation’s most comprehensive and creative scheme to overcome the adverse effects of a criminal record.  We also spoke about the law to a number of criminal defense attorneys and legal service providers in the State.   Indiana’s expungement law, first enacted in 2013 and amended several times since, extends to all but the most serious offenses, although the effect of relief as well as the process for obtaining it differs considerably depending on the offense involved.  Perhaps most important, the term “expungement” doesn’t have the same meaning in Indiana as it has in most states, because it doesn’t necessarily result in limiting access to the record. Fogle recalls that after the law was passed, with nothing but the statutory text as a guide, law enforcement officials and the courts worked diligently to give practical effect to a complex and sometimes ambiguous set of mandates involving every branch of government and potentially transforming the criminal justice system.  With the law’s challenges came opportunities, both for those with criminal histories and for those charged with administering the scheme.  With so many questions about the new law unresolved, prosecutors like Fogle were given significant latitude to shape its operation to align with their own interests.  Court personnel and the state police (who maintain the criminal records most directly affected by the law) were also afforded broad latitude to interpret the law at both the state and county levels. Fogle explained that in the period immediately after then-Governor Pence signed the measure into law, its intended beneficiaries and their representatives sometimes found it hard to keep up with new interpretations and procedural details.  Although the law’s fluidity gave lawyers a chance to advocate for their clients in creative ways, they also had to be aware of how shifting policies and practices might affect the availability of relief, and shape their advocacy accordingly.  And, once that relief was obtained, they had to find ways to maximize its effect.    Even now, the relief the law offers is sometimes frustratingly unclear.  For non-conviction records, and for most misdemeanors and Class D felonies, expungement is mandatory upon a determination of eligibility, and is automatically followed by sealing of the record. More serious felonies are also eligible for expungement, but in these cases relief is discretionary and is not accompanied by any limits on public access to the record (although the record is marked as “expunged”). Expungement restores civil rights (including firearms rights in all but domestic violence cases), limits employer and licensing board inquiries about criminal history, regulates background checking practices, prohibits licensing and employment “discrimination” based on an expunged conviction or arrest record, and protects employers from liability for negligent hiring based on an employee’s criminal record.  In all cases, the law states that an expunged conviction shall be treated “as if the person had never been convicted of the offense.” Results after four years Four years after the law’s passage, the dust has begun to settle and some results can be reported.  For one thing, more than 6,000 expungements have been granted in Marion County alone since the law took effect, a testament to the law’s efficient administration and to the accessibility of relief.  More than half of these expungements involved convictions, and the number of denials is in the low double digits.  (Statewide numbers are not available.)  The number of expungements under the new law would be much lower if not for the efforts of pro bono lawyers and other advocates who have risen to meet the demand created by the law, and to educate the public about the advantages of expungement.  Statewide legal service organizations, like Indiana Legal Services and Neighborhood Christian Legal Clinic, have worked to assist indigent individuals obtain relief.   Advocacy programs, like the Second Chance Expungement Initiative run by the Volunteer Center in Fort Wayne, have vetted and referred clients to legal service providers who could represent them in court.   The Indiana Office of Court Services has also done its part to introduce consistency and improve access.  Its website provides standardized petition forms for all types of expungement, links to relevant laws and court rules, and contact information for pro bono service providers. But demand for expungement has also put a strain on legal service providers.  The Indianapolis office of Indiana Legal Services has been compelled to periodically freeze its expungement client intake due to the volume of cases it has received.  The Second Chance Expungement Initiative has been active for less than a year, and has already worked with over 1,200 individuals seeking relief, most of whom are attracted by the large-scale information sessions put on by the Volunteer Center.  According to Jean Joley, the Center’s director, demand for expungement has “bordered on overwhelming.” She reports that over 400 people attended the Initiative’s first information session in the fall of 2016, and interest has continued to grow ever since.    To meet the demand, the Center has recruited a cadre of 13 lawyers, and has trained 35 volunteers to support them by making initial eligibility determinations and accessing official criminal history records.  Joley reported that 98% of eligible individuals are also income-eligible for pro bono representation from one of the three statewide organizations to which the Initiative makes referrals. Neighborhood Christian Legal Clinic was more creative, setting up an expungement “help desk” inside the Marion County courthouse, in space loaned by the DA’s office, to help pro se expungement clients research their own criminal histories and eligibility status.  The help desk, staffed primarily by trained students three days a week, assists about 300 individuals each month. When it comes to expungement practices in Marion County, the landscape is “calm waters,” according to Brian Dunkel, Director of Legal Services for Neighborhood Christian Legal Clinic.  The recent introduction of electronic filing in the county courts (a system that has been rolling out statewide) has streamlined the process, particularly in cases involving non-conviction records and misdemeanors, where no hearing is required.  In those cases, the time between filing and relief is generally only a couple of months.     That waters are calm in Marion County is largely due to Fogle himself, who was given complete control over expungements in the county by elected Prosecutor Terry Curry.  To Fogle, an experienced attorney who served as a public defender and as legal counsel to the Department of Corrections before becoming a prosecutor, expungement is in everyone’s interest.  “Our goal is to encourage success and make ex-offenders productive members of society,” he says.  “When your conviction prevents you from working and you’re out of money and feel the world closing in around you, you’re going to find other ways of getting it.” To limit what he describes as a “cycle of criminal activity,” Fogle has gone to impressive lengths to ensure that those who are eligible for expungement get relief.  One of his office’s guiding policies is to avoid petitions being denied for minor shortfalls in meeting eligibility requirements.  (Although a petition for expungement of a low-level conviction can be amended and refiled without penalty if it is denied based on ineligibility, the cost of refiling — $141 per petition filed in each county of conviction — can be prohibitive for those of limited means.)  Rather than formally objecting to a petition from an ineligible petitioner (which the law permits, and which would lead to almost certain denial), Fogle’s office makes a policy of supporting court-ordered continuances so that waiting periods and other eligibility requirements, such as payment of restitution, may be satisfied.   His office also supports waiver of the filing fee in appropriate cases.  Eligibility denials are discouraged through the courthouse “help desk” operated by Neighborhood Christian Legal Clinic, a program actively supported by Fogle and his team. Fogle also works to make expungement available sooner.  The law permits expungement waiting periods to be waived with prosecutorial consent, and he has created a formal structure to make that a real possibility for petitioners.  With waiting periods ranging from 5 to 10 years, waiver can be a significant aid to reentry.  An “expungement panel” of five experienced prosecutors reviews all waiver requests, which must be accompanied by a statement from the petitioner explaining why he or she believes a waiver is justified.  After reviewing criminal history and sentence compliance, the panel votes on whether to grant the request.  In most instances those requests are granted.  In addition, Marion County prosecutors are authorized to write waivers directly into plea agreements in cases they deem appropriate for early expungement, something they do with increasing frequency. Fogle doesn’t ask why someone wants an expungement for a low-level offense.  To him, every reason is valid and contributes to reintegration.  Petitioners seeking to improve employment opportunities are given equal standing with those looking to chaperone their children’s field-trips, improve their self-esteem, or even restore their firearms rights. (The U.S. Department of Justice recently acknowledged that Indiana expungement restores federal firearms rights lost due to a felony conviction, and many low-level felonies qualify for mandatory expungement under the state’s law.) Most petitions filed in Marion County are for low level offenses because waiting periods are shorter and sealing is available, and many pro bono service providers lack the resources to take on cases requiring a hearing.  That circumstance, along with the provision for permanent unsealing of expunged records upon subsequent conviction, allows prosecutors to take a generally pro-petitioner stance without worrying about public safety or political risk. But Fogle’s office also acknowledges that those with more serious felony records need relief too.  Even though these cases require hearings, Fogle’s policy is to intervene only where the victim (who the law requires be given notice of the petition) requests it.  And Fogle specifically excludes non-human entities like businesses from his definition of what constitutes a “victim.”  Fogle is quick to note that his office does not extend these benefits to serious career criminals, but he is happy to report that cases involving such individuals make up a small minority of his office’s expungement caseload. But it appears that Marion County may currently be an outlier where prosecutor approaches to the law are concerned.  According to David Joley, a Fort Wayne attorney in private practice who was instrumental in founding the city’s Second Chance Expungement Initiative (and who is the son of Jean Joley, director of the Volunteer Center, who founded the Initiative at her son’s urging), “expungement is a different animal from county to county.”  In Allen County, where Joley provides both paid and pro bono expungement representation, waiting period waivers are unheard of and requests for them are opposed by prosecutors as a matter of policy.  In other counties, prosecutors may actively seek denial of ineligible petitions without a continuance, or request hearings for low-level offenses even where eligibility is clear.  According to Joley, the culture in some prosecutor’s offices creates a sense of duty to challenge petitions to the extent permitted by law. Roderick Bohannon, an attorney with Indiana Legal Services, represents clients in a variety of counties and has also experienced push-back from prosecutors.  While prosecutors in some counties will immediately waive their objection in low-level cases where eligibility is clear, others will object to felony expungements as a matter of policy, even in cases involving low-level offenses where expungement is mandatory if eligibility requirements are met.  Some prosecutors will not respond to petitions despite having no intent to object, which can add at least a month to the process since objections are only deemed waived after 30 days without a response.   The courts of each county operate differently as well, sometimes creating a separate set of challenges.  Initially, different filing practices in each county meant there was little uniformity in how petitions were processed, presenting special hurdles for individuals seeking to expunge convictions from multiple counties.  However, as each county has transitioned to a uniform e-filing system, these problems have become less prevalent.  Now, for the most part, attorneys can track the progress of petitions in multiple courts through a unified online system, somewhat easing the inefficiencies caused by the requirement that each separate petition be filed in each convicting court. While, as noted, the Indiana Office of Court Services has been supportive, attitudes from the bench vary widely.  In Marion County, where the Prosecutor’s Office has gone to great lengths to set an expungement-friendly tone, judges are generally happy follow the government’s lead.  But in most other counties the tone of proceedings reportedly depends on the judge hearing the petition.  Some judges will require hearings for low-level offenses even if there is no objection from prosecutors, while others will require that eligibility be shown by specific documentation that may not be readily available, even if it can be established by other means.   In one instructive case, a judge in Jay County denied a petition for expungement of forgery and methamphetamine felony convictions despite the petitioner being eligible for relief, stating at the hearing that methamphetamine crimes are “a pain,” and that “I’m not doing favors for people that are causing these problems in Jay County.”  In his order, the judge wrote that denial was “based largely on the nature of the convictions, the severity of the offenses, and the relatively short duration since release from probation/parole on the most recent convictions,” none of which are criteria identified in the statute. The Indiana Court of Appeals reversed, finding in Cline v. State that the evidence of the petitioner’s rehabilitation, her age at the time of commission, and her desire to find work in management all weighed in favor of expungement.  The Court of Appeals concluded by stating: [O]ur Legislature has provided a second chance for individuals who have in the distant past committed drug-related crimes. Although the trial court is granted discretion, this does not extend to disregard of remedial measures enacted by our lawmakers. As previously observed, such statutes should be liberally construed to advance the remedy for which they were enacted. Several months after its Cline decision, the Court of Appeals reversed a trial court’s dismissal of a suit seeking to hold the Marion County Sheriff in contempt for refusing to consider for employment as a deputy sheriff an individual whose conviction had been expunged, finding that the sheriff was not exempt from the law’s provisions barring discrimination based on an expunged conviction.  Not all trial judges are negative toward expungement petitioners.  For example, according to Brian Dunkel of Neighborhood Christian Legal Clinic, some judges will grant relief in felony expungement cases with little or no scrutiny if the prosecutor fails to object. Roderick Bohannon of Indiana Legal Services believes the most serious problem is the reluctance of some judges to waive filing fees for indigent petitioners, as permitted but not required by law.  In some courtrooms, judges will refuse such waivers as a matter of policy, which Bohannon considers legally impermissible, and insist that arguments in favor of waiver be taken up on appeal.  While Bohannon’s organization has filed such appeals, the process can add six months to a year to the expungement process, pushing back the availability of relief and draining pro bono resources.  Bohannon therefore reluctantly advises clients to do whatever they can to pull the filing fee together, which can be difficult when a criminal record presents a major obstacle to employment. Despite these problems, nearly all petitions for expungement of low-level offenses are eventually granted, as they must be if an individual meets the statutory eligibility requirements.  Grant rates for more serious felonies, for which expungement is discretionary, are unavailable.  However, grant rates are expected to increase in the wake of the Cline decision.  Getting an expungement is only part of the process, though.  Since the law took effect, those with records and their attorneys have found that effectuating an expungement order presents its own challenges. Records of low-level offenses that are expunged are sealed by the court and the State Police, while the statute requires only that records of higher-level offenses be “clearly marked” as having been expunged. (Other agencies must do the same, but their records are often not readily accessible by the public.)  Court records have been swiftly sealed/marked since the law took effect, and that process is practically immediate now that e-filing has been implemented.  The Indiana State Police, which provides records to employers, landlords, and others, seals/marks in a matter of weeks.  (By comparison, in North Carolina the state has a significant backlog, and execution of an expungement order can take up to a year.) But early on, pro bono attorneys like Brian Dunkel and Roderick Bohannon noticed a problem with how the State Police were handling expungement orders.  The agency took the position that it was only obligated to seal/mark the conviction record that was the subject of the order, not records of dismissed charges from the same criminal case.  Dismissed charges may be expunged, but under a different authority from convictions, and the State Police has taken the position that expungement of dismissed charges must be separately sought before they are sealed.  The State Police put that policy into practice without regard to the provision of the law that states that “[a] person whose record is expunged shall be treated as if the person had never been convicted of the offense.” To deal with the problem, attorneys now draft their proposed orders to direct the State Police to expunge all records from the same case.  The solution gets the desired results, but requires attorneys to ensure that draft orders identify all relevant conviction and non-conviction records. Dunkel and Bohannon also reported that they cannot rely on the courts to ensure that all records that may be publicly available are actually sealed/marked after expungement.  The courts in some counties take the position that they are not required to send notices to all agencies holding records, even though their expungement order must by law be directed to all agencies holding records.  In some counties, the court will send notices to some but not all relevant agencies.  So Dunkel and Bohannon take it upon themselves to notify relevant agencies of the expungements they secure, following up as necessary when clients report that expunged records are still showing up. The new law also raises significant questions about how an individual should represent their expunged record.  On paper, expungement confers a number of rights.  It is illegal for public and private employers and licensing boards to discriminate against individuals due to an expunged conviction, and the law requires that inquiries into criminal history be phrased in terms that exclude expunged convictions from the inquiry.  But employers have been slow to change their hiring procedures, and the law does not specifically authorize applicants to deny the existence of an expunged conviction if they are asked about it, even where the inquiry is unlawful. Defense attorneys in the state acknowledge that this creates a real dilemma for expungement clients, and for their lawyers:  Should clients be advised to deny the expunged conviction, which the employer may later find out about through a commercial criminal background check company that may not have updated its files to account for the expungement, and risk being viewed as dishonest?  This is a particular problem where more serious felonies are expunged, since the record is not sealed  but simply marked as “expunged.”  Should they advise their clients to acknowledge and explain the conviction and the significant of the expungement?  Attorneys we spoke to said they tend to advise clients to acknowledge that they have been convicted but their conviction was expunged, and to explain the legal effect of expungement. Situations like these demonstrate the need for holistic expungement representation like that provided by Indiana Legal Services and Neighborhood Christian Legal Clinic.  A call or letter from an attorney to an employer that has unlawfully inquired about an expunged conviction can go a long way, especially since the law provides that unlawful discrimination based on an expunged conviction is punishable as a Class C infraction and may be the basis for contempt of court proceedings.  And the threat of enforcement is very real.  The Indiana Court of Appeals reversed a trial court’s dismissal of a contempt petition filed against the Marion County Sheriff by an individual whose application for employment as a deputy sheriff had been denied based on an expunged conviction, finding that the nondiscrimination law applied to the Sheriff even though he was authorized by law to obtain an applicant’ s expunged record. Notwithstanding these legal and practical issues, the big question is whether expungement is actually making life better for individuals with criminal records while protecting public safety.  Unfortunately, outside of some anecdotal evidence, it is one with no solid answer. Andrew Fogle, the prosecutor in Marion County, says that he has seen few individuals with expunged records come back into the system, but that he unfortunately lacks the funding to conduct a full review that would be necessary to assess the link between expungement and recidivism in the county.  And the already strained resources of pro bono providers make it difficult to follow up with clients to see whether they got the job, the license, or the apartment.  Although a few clients will check in to share their success stories, most lose contact after receiving services.  But David Joley thinks that might be a good sign. Clients who are not receiving the relief they expect are the ones most likely to return for help, especially when they have paid for it.     Read more

New report: 50-state guide to expungement and restoration of rights

CCRC is pleased to announce the publication of its 50-state guide to expungement and restoration of rights: “Forgiving and Forgetting in American Justice.” This report catalogues and analyzes the various provisions for relief from the collateral consequences of conviction that are now operating in each state, including judicial record-sealing and certificates of relief, executive pardon, and administrative.  Its goal is to facilitate a national conversation about how those who have a criminal record may best regain their legal rights and social status. Given the millions of Americans who have a criminal record, and the proliferation of laws and policies excluding them from a wide range of opportunities and benefits, there is a critical need for reliable and accessible relief provisions to maximize the chances that these individuals can live productive and law-abiding lives after completion of their court-imposed sentences. Whatever their form, relief provisions must reckon with the easy availability of criminal records, and the pervasive discrimination that frustrates the rehabilitative goals of the justice system. It is not the report’s purpose to recommend any specific approach to relief.  Rather, our goal is simply to survey the present legal landscape for the benefit of the policy discussions now underway in legislatures across the country.  We are mindful of the fact that very little empirical research has been done to measure outcomes of the various schemes described, many of which are still in their infancy.  It is therefore hard to say with any degree of certainty which approach works best to reintegrate individuals with a record into their communities. At the same time, we hope that our description of state relief mechanisms will inform the work of lawyers and other advocates currently working to assist affected individuals in dealing with the lingering burdens imposed by an adverse encounter with the justice system. The title of the report provides a framework for analyzing different types of relief provisions.  For most of our history, executive pardon constituted the principal way that persons convicted of a felony could “pay their debt to society” and regain their rights as citizens. This traditional symbol of official forgiveness was considered ineffective by mid-20th century reformers, who sought to shift responsibility for restoration to the courts. The reforms they proposed took two quite different approaches: One authorized judges to limit public access to an individual’s record through expungement or sealing, and the other assigned judges something akin to the executive’s pardoning role, through deferred dispositions and certificates of relief. These two approaches to restoration have existed side by side for more than half a century and have never been fully reconciled. Today, with a new focus on reentry and rehabilitation, policy-makers are again debating whether it is more effective to forgive a person’s past crimes (through pardon or judicial dispensation) or to forget them (through record-sealing or expungement). Despite technological advances and now-pervasive background-checking practices, many states have continued to endorse the forgetting approach, at least for less serious offenses and records not resulting in conviction. At the same time, national law reform organizations have proposed more transparent judicial forgiving or dispensing mechanisms. While the analytical model of “forgiving v. forgetting” is necessarily imperfect given the wide variety of relief provisions operating in the states, it seems to capture the basic distinction between an approach that would mitigate or avoid the adverse consequences of past crimes, and an approach that would limit access to information about those crimes. The report organizes relief provisions into six categories: executive pardon, judicial record-closing, deferred adjudication, certificates of relief, fair employment and licensing laws, and restoration of voting rights. The judgments made about the availability of each form of relief, reflected in color-coded maps, are in many cases necessarily subjective, and we have done our best to explain our approach in each case. More detailed information about different forms of relief is available from the state-by-state summaries that are the heart of the report. Citations to relevant laws and comparisons of the laws of each state are included in the 50-state charts in Appendices A & B. Up-to-date summaries and charts are available from the Restoration of Rights Project, which additionally includes in-depth discussions of the law and policy in its state-by-state “profiles.” This information is updated by the authors on a real-time basis, and we expect to republish this report from time to time when warranted by changes in the law. Download full report   Read more

National law reform proposal on collateral consequences

A long-running national law reform project that is reaching its final stages includes a broad and progressive scheme for dealing with the collateral consequences of conviction.  The American Law Institute (ALI), the nation’s oldest and most respected law reform organization, will meet in Washington on May 22-24 to approve a revision of the sentencing articles of the Model Penal Code, the first such revision in 60 years. The revised MPC: Sentencing includes an ambitious and comprehensive scheme for managing and limiting collateral consequences.  [NOTE: The MPC: Sentencing draft was given final approval by the ALI Annual Meeting on May 24.] In commentary published last month on the ALI website, MPC Reporters Kevin Reitz and Cecelia Klingele discussed the role of sentencing commissions in managing collateral consequences under the MPC provisions, as well as its provisions relating to notice and relief.   As under the original 1962 Code, the 2017 Code gives the sentencing court the key roles in ensuring that defendants have an opportunity to overcome the adverse effects of collateral consequences.  The 2017 Code provisions also include an important role for sentencing commissions in establishing policy and practice for the courts. The commentary is well worth reading by anyone searching for innovative ways to lighten the burden of a criminal record. Under the MPC’s collateral consequences provisions, sentencing courts must see that defendants are informed about applicable collateral consequences at key stages of the criminal case, and have the power to remove mandatory consequences that impede a defendant’s reentry and reintegration.  They may also certify a defendant’s rehabilitation, and a court-issued certificate provides specific protection for employers and landlords against negligence lawsuits. Sentencing commissions play an equally important institutional role under the 2017 MPC, in compiling collateral consequences and limiting their scope through the development of guidance for sentencing courts considering their removal.  In some ways, the MPC provisions resemble the template of the Uniform Collateral Consequences of Conviction Act (UCCCA), but in others they go further.  While the two proposals are similar in the role they give the sentencing court, the MPC limits the legislature’s power to enact and enforce collateral penalties, if only indirectly, through establishing standards for their removal in particular cases.  The MPC also improves the UCCCA model by limiting how discretionary decision-makers may take conviction into account. While the MPC and UCCCA are directed primarily at states, Congress would do well to study their basic structure and specific provisions, to determine whether some of their elements could profitably be introduced into the federal sentencing system.  And, there is much that the U.S. Sentencing Commission could do to improve the administration of collateral consequences even without additional legislation, including compiling relevant federal laws and rules, developing guidance to ensure that defendants are adequately informed about the consequences of a guilty plea, and advising Congress about the need for new legislation and the form it might take. Finally, the ALI initiative could further encourage federal courts to take steps even without specific statutory authority to help defendants deal with the burdens of a criminal record, either through non-conviction dispositions or informal certificates of rehabilitation. Read more