Tag: kansas

Prisoners fighting California fires denied licenses after release

Nick Sibilla, a legislative analyst at the Institute for Justice, has published this fine op ed piece in today’s USA Today, describing how the 2,000 state prisoners currently engaged in fighting the largest fire in California history, are barred from obtaining the necessary EMT license that would enable them to continue this work after their release.  It contains, inter alia, a description of the two bills currently pending in the California legislature that would end what Nick describes as a “bitterly ironic” situation, where prisoners gain valuable training in certain vocations that they cannot use after their release.  The piece seems particularly relevant, in light of the amazing work being done on occupational licensing reform across the country, much of it inspired by the Institute for Justice’s Model Collateral Consequences in Occupational Licensing Act.   See, e.g. New Hampshire, Wisconsin, Kansas, Indiana, Arizona, and Tennessee.  We hope California will soon join this group of enlightened jurisdictions, and that other states will follow in the coming year. Despite fighting California’s largest fires, inmates are denied licenses they need to become firefighters after they get out. by Nick Sibilla, USA Today, August 20, 2018 As California struggles to contain the largest fire in state history, more than 2,000 inmates have volunteered to fight the flames. Offering just $1 an hour, the state has long  encouraged low-level prisoners to risk their lives and serve alongside professional firefighters, who earn nearly $74,000 a year on average. Firefighting, along with less life-threatening trades like plumbing, welding, and cosmetology, is one of several vocational training programs offered to prisoners by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. But in a bitterly ironic twist, once inmates leave prison, they often can’t work as firefighters, despite their frontline experience. In California, nearly all counties require firefighters to become licensed emergency medical technician (EMTs) — a credential that can be denied to almost anyone with a criminal record. Many are denied jobs for their criminal record Nor are firefighters the only position off-limits. Under California law, the state’s licensing boards can deny a credential on the basis of an applicant’s criminal record or alleged misconduct. Thanks to the rise in occupational licensing, nearly 1,800 occupations now require a license, certification, or clearance in the Golden State, affecting one-fourth of California’s workforce. As a result, hundreds of different occupations are effectively barred to roughly 8 million Californians. California’s firefighting felons are a particularly stark illustration of a growing, national problem. According to the American Bar Association, the nation’s occupational and business licensing laws contain over 27,000 restrictions on ex-offenders, including bans on working as barbers or hosting bingo games. Those barriers impose significant costs. Research by the Center for Economic and Policy estimates that in 2014, employment barriers for the incarcerated and those with felony convictions cost the nation’s economy up to $87 billion in annual GDP, equal to “the loss of 1.7 to 1.9 million workers.” Not only do these policies slam the door on economic opportunity, they may also increase re-offending. A recent study from Arizona State University found that states with more burdensome licensing laws saw their average recidivism rates jump by nine percent. By comparison, states with fewer licensing restrictions and no moralizing provisions had recidivism rates decline by 2.5 percent, on average. In fact, licensing burdens were second only to the overall labor market climate when it came to influencing recidivism rates. California is trying to fix the problem Fortunately, new legislation would curb some of California’s licensing barriers against ex-offenders. As part of a public safety omnibus signed earlier this year, the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection (CAL-FIRE) can certify former prison firefighters as “emergency medical responders,” a certification CAL-FIRE accepts in lieu of an EMT license for some state firefighter jobs. A separate bill would require agencies to report the number of applicants with a criminal conviction who have been denied or granted an EMT license, which would provide valuable data for further reforms. More broadly, another bill, AB 2138, would tighten the standard used to disqualify ex-offenders by the Department of Consumer Affairs, which governs 38 different boards, bureaus and commissions. Under the bill, boards could not use a conviction older than five years to reject a license (though that would not apply to violent felonies). Each board would also have to publish the criteria it uses to evaluate applicants, which must include any evidence of rehabilitation, the time elapsed since the offense as well as the nature and gravity of the offense. Critically, boards could only use convictions, not arrests or records from dismissed cases. AB 2138 has already passed the Assembly earlier this year and is currently under consideration in the Senate. California could soon join 16 states that have already eased or eliminated licensing barriers for Americans with criminal records since 2015. Many of these state reforms protect the ability of ex-offenders to get the permits they need, while also ensuring that boards only deny applicants who would truly threaten public safety. California needs fewer requirements to work These efforts are all welcome reforms to a system in desperate need of an overhaul. Yet even if former inmates aren’t automatically barred because of their past mistakes, burdensome licensing requirements can still keep them from working. According to a recent, nationwide study by the Institute for Justice (where I work), the average license for a lower-income occupation takes almost a year of education or experience. California ranked as the “worst licensing environment for workers in lower-income occupations,” with the average license requiring a staggering 827 days of training. Absurdly, becoming a professional tree trimmer, barber, or painting contractor in California takes vastly more experience than becoming an EMT, who literally holds the lives of others in their hands. A steady job is one of the best ways to prevent re-offending. But strict occupational licensing requirements make it harder for ex-offenders to find work. The denial of so many fundamental civil rights and liberties has essentially turned many ex-offenders into second-class citizens. Restoring the right to earn an honest living is crucial for ex-offenders to regain a sense of hope and a new chance at redemption. Nick Sibilla is a legislative analyst at the Institute for Justice. You can follow him on Twitter: @nick_sibilla More: Louisiana is the only state that requires occupational licenses for florists. It’s absurd. Ridiculous licensing rules are holding back people who want to work Prisoners who risk their lives during Calif. wildfires shouldn’t be shut out of profession Read more

Collateral Consequences in Occupational Licensing Act

We’ve noted in recent posts the numerous states that, just in the past three or four months, have enacted broad occupational licensing reforms affecting people with a criminal record.  Many of these new laws have been influenced by a model developed by the Institute for Justice (IJ), a libertarian public interest law firm that has been litigating and lobbying to reduce barriers to work for more than two decades.  In turn, states like Indiana, Kansas, Tennessee and Wisconsin have built upon IJ’s model to enact even more progressive schemes intended to ensure that people with the requisite professional qualifications will not be unfairly excluded based on a record of arrest or conviction. Now IJ has incorporated many of these progressive refinements into its original model licensing law, the Occupational Licensing Review Act (OLRA), and broken out the provisions relating to criminal records into a free-standing model act specifically directed at managing collateral consequences in the occupational licensing context, the new Collateral Consequences in Occupational Licensing Act (CCOLA). The CCOLA has the same key features as the original OLRA: It provides individuals with an opportunity to seek a preliminary determination from the licensing agency as to whether their criminal record will be disqualifying; It allows the individual to seek this determination at any time, including before investing in the required training necessary to otherwise qualify for the license, requires a written decision within 90 days, and limits what the agency may charge for this determination to $100; It limits the types of records that an agency may consider in a licensing decision to convictions of serious or violent crimes; It shifts the burden of proof to the agency to establish that a petitioner’s conviction is substantially related to the state’s interest in protecting public safety; It requires agencies to provide written reasons justifying denial of a license based on conviction in terms of public safety; and It requires each agency to publish a report annually on the number of applicants with a criminal record seeking a license, the number of approvals and denials, and the type of offenses for each type of action. In addition to these features, IJ has recently further clarified the types of criminal conduct that may be considered in licensing decisions, and specifically prohibited the use of vague criteria like “good moral character” as a basis for exclusion.   As revised, IJ’s model laws  now provide that licensing agencies may not consider non-conviction records, juvenile adjudications, non-violent misdemeanors, and most felonies and violent misdemeanors that occurred more than three years prior to seeking licensure.  See CCOLA, 100.02, Subd. 7.  Agencies may consider violent felonies and sexual offenses at any time, although even these records must still be tested against the “public safety” standard: The board may deny the petition only if it establishes by clear and convincing evidence that: 1. The individual was convicted of a felony or violent misdemeanor, not excluded by subdivision 7, which is directly, substantially and adversely related to the state’s interest in protecting public safety; and 2. The granting of state recognition will put the individual in a position where the individual is more likely than not to reoffend and cause harm. See CCOLA, 100.02, Subd 10(c). IJ’s website points out that “[m]ore than 25 percent of workers need a government-issued license to work,” so lowering barriers to licensure for people with a criminal record has important implications for efficiency and public safety.  In introducing its stand-alone CCOLA model, IJ’s website states the following: An honest living is one of the best ways to prevent those with a criminal record from re-offending. But many occupational licensing laws block or burden ex-offenders from entering regulated fields.  Numerous licensing laws have morality clauses that (1) bar automatically and permanently ex-offenders from working without any individualized review or (2) require the ex-offender to prove a negative—that the ex-offender’s past crimes will not cause him to harm customers in the future. Such provisions ironically may decrease public safety.  States with prohibitions and high burdens on entry have higher criminal recidivism. Conversely, states that have no such bars and low burdens have seen declines in recidivism, according to Professor Stephen Slivinski’s landmark study Turning Shackles into Bootstraps. IJ’s website surveys some of the key provisions of many of the recently enacted state licensing reforms.  It also very happily links to the relevant 50-state chart from the Restoration of Rights Project, which we very much appreciate! With an enrolled bill sitting on its governor’s desk for action, New Hampshire is poised to become the 10th state to enact comprehensive licensing reform in 2018.  In addition to Indiana, Kansas, Tennessee and Wisconsin, Arizona, Maryland, Massachusetts, Nebraska, and Wyoming have all just this year enacted new laws incorporating many of the features of IJ’s model law.  Illinois anticipated these states by six months when it significantly amended its licensing scheme to reflect IJ’s approach in August 2017. We were pleased to be able to work with Lee McGrath of IJ’s office in Minneapolis in developing many of the amended features of the CCOLA, which have also been folded into IJ’s broader model occupational licensing act.  We look forward to continuing to work with Lee and his colleagues in months to come.   Read more

More states facilitating licensing for people with a criminal record

Last week we posted a description of a detailed new Indiana law regulating consideration of conviction in occupational and professional licensure throughout the state.  It now appears that this may represent a trend, as eight additional states have either recently enacted or are poised to enact similarly progressive occupational licensing schemes.  New general laws regulating licensure are in place in Arizona, Illinois, and Massachusetts.  Similar bills have been enrolled and are on the governor’s desk for signature in Kansas, Maryland, Nebraska, and Tennessee.  Arizona’s new 2018 licensing law follows on another law passed in that state in 2017 that authorized provisional licenses for individuals with a criminal record.  Massachusett’s new licensing law is part of a more general criminal justice reform bill.   Delaware and Connecticut have also recently loosened restrictions on licensing for cosmetology and related professions. The licensing reforms in these states – and in several other states where licensing bills are less far along toward enactment — seem to have been influenced by a model law proposed by the Institute for Justice, a libertarian public interest law firm.  Key features of the Model Occupational Licensing Review Act as they affect individuals with criminal records are 1) to provide individuals with an opportunity to seek a preliminary determination from the licensing agency as to whether their criminal record will be disqualifying; 2) to require licensing agencies to disqualify only if an applicant has been convicted of a felony or violent misdemeanor, and if the agency determines that “the state has an important interest in protecting public safety that is superior to the individual’s right to pursue a lawful occupation”; and 3) to require each agency to publish a report annually on the number of applicants with a criminal record seeking a license, the number of approvals and denials, and the type of offenses for each type of action.  Disqualification is justified under this model law only if the conviction is “substantially related to the state’s interest in protecting public safety,” and the individual will be “more likely to reoffend by having the license than by not having the license.” The federal government is also encouraging licensing reform: the U.S. Department of Labor is supporting a three-year project to assist states improve their general policies and practices related to occupational licensing, including those that affect persons with a criminal record. The project brings together 11 states to participate in the Occupational Licensing Learning Consortium. The 11 states are Arkansas, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Nevada, Utah and Wisconsin. We are monitoring this legislative trend and will revise the state profiles and other materials in the Restoration of Rights Project as new laws are enacted.   Read more

New research report: Four Years of Second Chance Reforms, 2013-2016

Introduction Since 2013, almost every state has taken at least some steps to chip away at the negative effects of a criminal record on an individual’s ability to earn a living, access housing, education and public benefits, and otherwise fully participate in civil society.  It has not been an easy task, in part because of the volume and complexity of state and federal laws imposing collateral consequences.  To encourage employers and other decision-makers to give convicted individuals a fair chance, some states have enacted or modified judicial restoration mechanisms like expungement, sealing, and certificates of relief.  Others have extended nondiscrimination laws, limited criminal record inquiries, and facilitated front-end opportunities to avoid conviction. In partnership with the NACDL Restoration of Rights Project, the CCRC maintains a comprehensive and current state-by-state guide to mechanisms for restoration of rights and status after conviction.  As a part of keeping that resource up to date, we have inventoried measures enacted and policies adopted by states in the past four years to mitigate or avoid the disabling effects of a criminal record, and present it here as a snapshot of an encouraging national trend. Summary of findings Between 2013 and 2016, forty-two states and the District of Columbia adopted significant reforms of various types.  The most common of these reforms are ban-the-box laws and policies that prohibit employers from inquiring into an applicant’s criminal history during the initial stages of the application process.  Twenty-one states banned the box in public employment, and eight (CT, DC, IL, MN, NJ, OR, RI, and VT) expanded their ban-the-box prohibitions to cover private employers as well. Expungement and sealing authorities were also expanded in a significant number of states. Arkansas, Indiana, and Minnesota enacted comprehensive new expungement/sealing schemes that grant many individuals an opportunity to have their records sealed from public view and/or rights restored for the first time.  Additionally, California, Illinois, Kentucky, Louisiana, and Missouri all expanded existing expungement/sealing laws to make certain felonies eligible.  Maryland, Pennsylvania, and South Dakota enacted entirely new authorities limiting public access to misdemeanor records. Another fifteen states expanded existing expungement or sealing opportunities, either to increase the number and type of eligible offenses and dispositions, or to broaden the protections afforded to, or rights restored by, an expunged or sealed record. Unfortunately, stiff filing fees in states like Louisiana and Kentucky will inevitably discourage people of limited means from taking advantage of these new authorities. Judicial and/or administrative “certificates of relief” were also made available in nine states for the first time. These certificates adhere to a “forgiving,” as opposed to “forgetting,” model of criminal record mitigation. The new certificates with the broadest application and effect are those in Ohio and Vermont, both of which are modeled after provisions in the Uniform Collateral Consequences of Conviction Act (UCCCA) that authorize courts to completely remove specified mandatory collateral consequences imposed by law, allowing individuals to be considered for employment or licensing opportunities on the merits. Colorado’s new “order of collateral relief” provides relief from mandatory consequences specified in the order, with exceptions, but is only available for non-prison sentences. The new certificate authorities in most other states either protect employers and/or other private entities from negligent hiring or retention claims based solely upon their agent’s conviction, or prohibit employers or licensing bodies from denying applicants “based solely upon” their conviction.  The effect or availability of pre-existing certificate authorities were expanded in another three states. Another notable trend was the expansion of the effect and availability of deferred adjudication and diversion mechanisms, which allow individuals to avoid conviction altogether following successful completion of probation or other conditions. Five states (AL, CA, DE, GA, NJ) enacted legislation explicitly authorizing expungement or sealing of deferred adjudication records for the first time, while Colorado and Illinois enacted entirely new deferred adjudication authority.  These programs provide a great benefit to those who can take advantage of them, but, in many states, prosecutorial control of these programs can result in disparate treatment and costly relief. >>View the full report below or download here<<       Read more

50-state guide to expungement and sealing laws

The 50-state chart of judicial relief mechanisms from the NACDL Restoration of Rights Resource, which is also posted on this site, is a comprehensive survey of all authorities for judicial relief in the states and federal system. We wanted to bring it to our readers’ attention in light of the new federal interest in helping individuals with a criminal record overcome barriers to employment and licensing through clearing their records. The National Clean Slate Clearinghouse, recently announced as part of President Obama’s reentry initiative, will “provide technical assistance to local legal aid programs, public defender offices, and reentry service providers to build capacity for legal services needed to help with record-cleaning, expungement, and related civil legal services.” This joint project of the Labor and Justice Departments will doubtless make it a first priority to survey the laws providing judicial and other relief in different states, to determine what sort of assistance lawyers will need to neutralize the adverse employment consequences of conviction, though the courts or otherwise.  We hope these resources will prove useful in that effort. Note that terminology and procedure differ significantly from state to state, so that those interested in more specific information about the scope, operation and effect of a particular state’s laws should consult the state-by-state profiles accessible through the Resources tab on the home page of this site.  For example, while the term “expungement” may involve destruction of records in a few states (e.g., Pennsylvania), more frequently it means a limited restriction on public access to records.  For example, in Kansas certain employers and licensing agencies continue to have access to criminal records notwithstanding an expungement order from the court.  In Indiana “expungement” entails no limit of public access at all — although some records may be sealed after expungement.  In some states a judicial set-aside or vacatur involves a sealing of the record (e.g., Michigan, Washington) but in others it doesn’t (e.g., California).  Most jurisdictions authorize sealing or expungement of non-conviction records upon petition to the court. In the past few years a number of states have modified their provisions for sealing or expungement of records, but most of these new laws reach only minor offenses or non-conviction records, and frequently involve long eligibility waiting periods that defeat their usefulness for reentry purposes. Conspicuous exceptions are the comprehensive new judicial relief schemes enacted in Indiana and Minnesota, and Arkansas’ reorganization and expansion of its existing expungement laws. A few states, notably Kansas and Utah, have broad expungement laws dating from the 1970s. Note that there is no statute providing for expungement of federal convictions, and almost no authority to limit access to non-conviction records — a circumstance that has led several federal sentencing courts to consider expungement through their ancillary jurisdiction. The most well-known of these cases is U.S.v. Jane Doe, now on appeal in the Second Circuit, in which Judge John Gleeson ordered expungement of a fraud conviction of a woman he had sentenced 13 years before.  (Briefs in the Doe case are available here.) Read more