Tag: Obama

Leaked White House memos detail president’s pardon policy

USA Today has published a White House document detailing President Obama’s policy on granting clemency, including both sentence commutation and post-sentence pardons.  In a memorandum dated July 13, 2010 to the Acting Deputy Attorney General, White House Counsel Robert Bauer “convey[ed] the President’s views” on the exercise of his constitutional pardon power, affirming traditional standards but emphasizing that there are “certain offenses for which a pardon should very rarely, if ever, be granted absent truly exceptional circumstances.”  Among these were “large-scale drug trafficking” in which the applicant had “a significant role,” and financial fraud cases involving “substantial loss to the federal government or its programs.” The memo affirmed the five-year eligibility waiting period for a pardon, overriding a 2001 policy of the Bush Administration (also published for the first time) that imposed an informal 10-year waiting period.  At the same time, it emphasized that the passage of additional time may strengthen an applicant’s case for pardon: The recentness of the offense should be evaluated in the context of the entire application, including the offense’s seriousness, The President believes, however, that where more time has passed since conviction or release, applications will tend to be stronger, in part because the extended time period provides a greater opportunity for the applicant to establish exemplary post-conviction conduct and demonstrate true acceptance of responsibility, remorse and atonement. In fact, the USA Today article points out that only five of Obama’s 64 pardons were granted within 15 years of an individual’s eligibility.  With respect to commutations, the memo expresses a policy of parsimony: The President agrees with the Department’s view that a commutation of sentence is an extraordinary remedy that should be granted only in extraordinary circumstances. The President further believes that the guidance governing offenses for which there should be a presumption against pardons applies with even greater force to applications for commutation. The USA Today article notes apparent inconsistencies between the 2010 Bauer memo and the President’s more recent comments about what he is seeking from Justice in terms of clemency recommendations.  It remains to be seen how these comments will play out in the months ahead, and in particular whether he will grant more commutations while post-sentence pardons remain at an all-time low. Read more

President plans “aggressive” use of pardon power to commute drug sentences but perhaps not to relieve collateral consequences

For the third time in six weeks, President Obama has spoken on the record about his intention to make more “aggressive” use of his pardon power in the final months of his term to commute long drug sentences.   It appears he really means it — and the only thing that may stop him from setting a modern record (perhaps even more impressive than the drug commutations of John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson) is the pace of recommendations coming from the Justice Department via Clemency Project 2014.  (Comments on his other recent statements are here and here.) Hopefully the President will grant more full pardons as well, though his comments on that score have been less encouraging. When the President was confronted about his “slow rate” of pardoning by an interviewer from the Huffington Post, he attributed this to the fact that most of the recommendations coming from the Justice Department in his first year in office were from “older individuals” convicted of “small-time crimes from long ago,” who were simply seeking to regain their firearms rights.  He said he had wanted to deal with the “broader” criminal justice problem represented by long drug sentences, and so he took steps last year to “revamp” the Justice Department’s pardon office (mainly by replacing its Bush-era manager) so that “we are now getting more representative applicants.”  The first fruits of that new aggressive use of the power were the eight commutations granted last December. But it is important to correct the record on one matter:  President Obama’s record of commuting prison sentences has not been “slow” at all, at least not in the past 18 months. Indeed, it compares favorably with that of his four immediate predecessors: to date he has granted 21 commutations, whereas the two President Bushes granted a total of 14 commutations between them, President Reagan granted only 13 in eight years, and President Clinton had granted only three commutations after six years in office.  (President Clinton granted another 58 commutations in his last two years, but by-passing the Justice Department’s established process in most of these cases.) Where the President lags behind is in granting full pardons: he has not only granted fewer in absolute numbers but his ratio of favorable to unfavorable actions is the lowest of any full-term president in our Nation’s history.  There are more than 800 applications for full pardon currently pending in the Justice Department, and many of these are likely just as deserving as Albert Stork, whose case was profiled on this website in December.  See “A Pardon celebrates the life of a public defender,” December 29, 2014. So while we commend the President’s intention to tackle the problem of reducing lengthy mandatory drug sentences, and wish both him and the Justice Department the best in processing the 35,000 applications that have reportedly been filed, we hope the Justice Department will also help the President pick up the pace in granting full pardons.  Given the disabling effect of a criminal record for people who have fully served their sentences, and the absence of any alternative relief mechanism to help federal offenders overcome collateral consequences and the stigma of conviction, it would be a shame if the revamped Office of the Pardon Attorney neglected this historically very important aspect of the clemency caseload because it didn’t think the President was interested.     Read more

Forgiving v. forgetting: A new redemption tool

The following thought-provoking piece about the growing popularity of judicial “certificates of good conduct” was first published in The Marshall Project (www.themarshallproject.org) a nonprofit news organization focused on the US criminal justice system. The “forgiving” approach to avoiding or mitigating collateral consequences is an important alternative to the “forgetting” approach advocated by proponents of expungement or sealing, which tend in any event to be limited to minor dated offenses or arrests not resulting in conviction.         Forgiving v. Forgetting:  For offenders seeking a new life, a new redemption tool. In February of 2003, a much younger Barack Obama rose before the Illinois State Senate to introduce a new piece of legislation that, he said, contained a compromise. The bill would help job-seekers who had long ago been convicted of a nonviolent crime (or two, at most) overcome the barriers to employment that came with having a criminal history. But the bill would do so without expunging their records. Instead, Obama’s bill would create a final, years-later stage on the timeline of these ex-offenders’ cases. They had already completed the stages of arrest, booking, indictment, plea bargaining or trial, sentencing, incarceration and/or probation. Now, ex-felons who had stayed crime-free for a few years would be eligible to come back to court and, in a full-blown hearing before a judge, attempt to “prove” that they had been rehabilitated. Any ex-offender who succeeded in doing so, Obama announced, would be granted one of two new legal documents, the Certificate of Good Conduct or the Certificate of Relief from Disabilities. The certificate would represent an official assurance to employers – though, again, short of full expungement – that the ex-offender should no longer be judged for his or her crimes. More concretely, the good conduct certificate would make the ex-offender eligible for a range of municipal jobs, including in the public schools, the transit system, and the parks; the certificate of relief would remove barriers to a range of licenses, from real estate to barbering, cosmetology, and mortician’s licenses. Finally, any private employer who hired the now officially rehabilitated ex-offender would be insulated from liability suits claiming negligent hiring. Obama’s bill was passed and went into effect one year later. Ever since, the granting of so-called Certificates of Rehabilitation has become an increasingly popular compromise version of full expungement in courts around the country. Between 2009 and 2014, nine states and Washington, D.C. began issuing the documents, also called certificates of relief, recovery, achievement, or employability. “These certificates are a remarkably dynamic new option,” says Kari Hamel, a civil legal aid attorney in North Carolina who is working to make the certificates – available in that state since 2011 – more accessible to more people with criminal records. “It’s a way of showing employers that the crime someone committed probably wasn’t committed yesterday. It makes what has happened since the crime a fully official part of that person’s record, for all employers to see.” “That’s the key,” she adds. “Rehabilitation is absolutely a part of a person’s history of trouble with the law, it’s just the second part, the positive part.” Paul Biebel, the presiding judge for Chicago’s criminal court, agrees that the certificates are a promising new option. “Only over the last few years have we seen more of these coming through the court,” he says of the certificates, “but I feel very strongly that they are an additional tool in a judge’s toolbox to evaluate people. We judges are prepared to send people to prison. But now, if the evidence proves rehabilitation, we also have a tool for redeeming people.” The new certificates have burst onto the scene amid emerging bipartisan consensus that the consequences for committing low-level nonviolent crimes – including the collateral consequences, such as difficulty getting a job[1] years later – should not be interminable. The Redeem Act, a bill sponsored by Senators Cory Booker and Rand Paul that would expand expungement for crimes committed as a juvenile, has picked up steam in Congress. President Obama, meanwhile, has highlighted the issue of the long-term impact of criminal records, particularly through his My Brother’s Keeper[2] initiative. This consensus is rooted in the fact that between 70 and 100 million Americans have an arrest, charge or conviction in their pasts. And, with the rise of the Internet, even a minor run-in with the law has been transformed from a temporary experience into a permanent one. This does not mesh well with the American ideal of self-reinvention. Yet despite the emerging agreement that many ex-offenders deserve second chances, not everyone agrees that these new certificates are the best way to go about providing redemption. Sharon Dietrich is one such critic. Dietrich is a civil legal aid attorney in Philadelphia and the author of “One Strike and You’re Out,” a report on the collateral consequences of criminal records, and she believes full expungement is always preferable to certificates. “Forgetting,” she says, “either by expunging someone’s record altogether or by permanently sealing it, is a much better solution than forgiving, which is what these certificates claim to do.” The certificates are a “weak compromise,” she adds, because they “rely on employers to do the right thing. But most employers will ignore the document that says you’ve been rehabilitated, and focus instead on the part about how you were arrested.” Supporters of the certificates argue that “forgetting” is a pipe dream. For one thing, law enforcement agencies often resist expungement, because it purges the record of information that might be useful in future investigations. James Jacobs, a professor of law at New York University and the author of “The Eternal Criminal Record,” says that even if expungement were more available, it would be a kind of “fraud” in the age of the Internet. “Expungement is not amnesia,” he says. “The information remains out there on the Internet. These private background check companies [such as LexisNexis, HireRight, and FirstAdvantage] have no incentive to remove expunged or out-of-date information.” Background checks on job applicants are frequently inaccurate[3] even without expungement, he said. Then again, certificates are not useful at all if ex-offenders – and employers – do not know about them, or do not know who is eligible. And even once ex-offenders know about the option, the process of affirmatively filing for a certificate is extremely complex. The burden to prove rehabilitation is on the applicant, not the prosecution. To be successful requires gathering documents from multiple agencies, letters of support from community members, and proof of sobriety, then arranging all of it into a narrative that demonstrates “rehabilitation.” In other words, the success of these certificates depends heavily on local lawyers, primarily from civil legal aid[4] organizations, taking a grassroots approach to informing people about what certificates are available and how to file for them. In New York, for instance, one of the few states to begin offering the certificates before Illinois, an average of only 261 per year were issued between 1995 and 2005. Between 2007 and 2010, as civil legal aid organizations started educating ex-offenders about the certificates, that number shot up to 2,040 per year. More recently, two of the most robust approaches to making these new certificates more accessible and understandable are underway in Illinois and North Carolina. In Chicago, Cabrini-Green Legal Aid has led the effort to inform people about the certificates. CGLA operates a Help Desk at the downtown Chicago courthouse, as well as a dial-in hotline, to educate ex-offenders about the certificates and get them started with the application process. And, according to Cynthia Cornelius, CGLA’s director of client and community services, the organization has recently begun to meet with and educate local employers. “None of this works unless employers know what these certificates are,” she says, “and why they should respect job applicants who have earned the certificates.” But making the certificates a useful option is not only about education, it is also about representation. So, in a statewide effort called Second Chances,[5] sixteen of the Illinois’ largest law firms have partnered with CGLA, supplying hundreds of pro bono lawyers to help process petitions for certificates. Down in North Carolina, the first step was to make the certificates available under the law, as Obama did in Illinois. Despite the anti-progressive climate in the state legislature, says Bill Rowe, chief counsel of the North Carolina Justice Center, securing “certificate legislation” was politically feasible. “Democrat or Republican, we all know someone here in North Carolina with a minor mistake holding them back,” says Rowe, “and minor mistakes are the types of mistakes we’re talking about forgiving with these certificates, not major mistakes. It’s not a ‘them’ issue, like some of the other divisive issues in the legislature; it’s an ‘us’ issue.” With the certificates in place, the next step was getting the word out. Hamel, the civil legal aid attorney, explains that Legal Aid of North Carolina operates mobile legal clinics deep in the Blue Ridge mountains, informing the people there about the certificates. Before each clinic, Hamel notifies the local newspapers in the towns where she is headed, asks the radio stations to broadcast PSAs, and contacts local domestic violence shelters and V.A. centers to get people to come out for the clinic. To bring employers on board, Hamel has help from Ben David, a local D.A. in Wilmington, North Carolina, who has convened the Hometown Hires program. David meets regularly with hundreds of the top employers in southeastern North Carolina to convince them to hire people with criminal records, especially people who have these certificates. “This is about working on criminal records,” David says, “which takes a lot of time, because it’s about the long-term, not just the open-and-shut part of the case. But as a D.A., I feel I should take active steps to stop prosecuting folks who are just trying to get jobs, and these certificates and the other new options, I think, are a way of stopping the endless prosecution of job seekers.” But in the end, says Jacobs, even with robust information campaigns, certificates are “not a magic bullet.” “If everyone gets a certificate,” he says, “then the certificate has no credibility, and employers won’t respect it. So we can’t give certificates to people who don’t deserve one.” But the hard truth, Jacobs says, is that a considerable fraction of people with criminal histories do not deserve a certificate, because they “are still struggling with drug addiction, mental illness, and tremendous deficits. They are not rehabilitated to the point of deserving a certificate, but they do deserve our help.” In other words, rehabilitation for most ex-offenders requires actually working with them while they are being rehabilitated, not just rewarding them afterward if they can do it on their own. “Finding a route back to where some of these people have never been,” says Jacobs: “That requires more than just a certificate.”     [1] Over 80 percent of employers run criminal background checks, according to the Society for Human Resource Management. [2]  My Brother’s Keeper initiative is a collaboration between the White House and local businesses, foundations, and cities, aimed at creating more jobs and civic opportunities for young men of color [3] In 2012, 600,000 job applicants received inaccurate FBI background checks. For these reasons, Jacobs argues, ex-offenders are better off if they are equipped with an affirmative document, like a certificate, with which they can respond when employers inevitably find something damning on the Internet. [4] The right to counsel is not guaranteed when there is no active criminal prosecution, which is why civil legal aid lawyers, not criminal defenders, are responsible for helping people with these certificates. [5] The Second Chances program is part of the nationwide IMPACT Project, a project inspired by Vice President Joe Biden to encourage pro bono lawyers to work more closely with legal aid lawyers.     Read more

President promises a more “open” pardon process, more pardon grants

During a Town Hall in South Carolina on March 6, President Obama spoke for the second time in recent weeks about his intention to use his pardon power more generously in the final two years of his term. Responding to a criminal defense attorney who asked what she could do to “increase the number of federal pardons,” the President explained that he was taking a “new approach” to pardons after receiving surprisingly few favorable recommendations from the Justice Department during his first term.  He said he had asked the Attorney General to “open up” the pardon process, and to work with advocacy groups and public defenders to make people more aware of the availability of this relief: [W]hen I came into office, for the first couple of years I noticed that I wasn’t really getting a lot of recommendations for pardons that — at least not as many as I would expect. And many of them were from older folks. A lot of them were people just looking for a pardon so they could restore their gun rights. But sort of the more typical cases that I would have expected weren’t coming up.   So I asked Attorney General Holder to work with me to set up a new office, or at least a new approach, inside the Justice Department. Because historically, what happened was the President would get a big stack of recommendations and then he could sign off on them — because obviously, I don’t have time to go through each request. And so what we’ve done now is open it up so that people are more aware of the process.  And what you can do is contact the Justice Department. But essentially, we’re now working with the NAACP, we’re working with various public defenders offices and community organizations just to make people aware that this is a process that you can go through. The President advised that “typically we have a pretty strict set of criteria for whether we would even consider you for a pardon or commutation,” and directed the inquirer to the Justice Department website where he said those criteria can be found. So my first suggestion would be to go to the Justice Department website.  If the person doesn’t qualify because they may have served time but there were problems when they served time, or if it was a particularly violent crime, or they may just not fit the criteria where we would consider it — a lot of what we’re focused on is non-violent drug offenses where somebody might have gotten 25 years, and she was the girlfriend of somebody and somehow got caught up, and since then has led an exemplary life, but now really wants to be able to start a new career or something like that.  That’s the kind of person, typically, that would get through the process. So, a couple of things about the President’s comments.  As in his BuzzFeed interview ten days ago, and as reported by Greg Korte in USA TODAY, the President seems genuinely willing to consider requests for full pardon from people who have completed their sentences and “led an exemplary life, but now really want[] to be able to start a new career.” This is good news. President Obama has taken a commendable interest in prisoner requests for sentence commutation, but his record of granting full pardons to date has been disappointing: Available statistics indicate that he has granted fewer full pardons than any full-term president since John Adams. On the other hand, the President’s “new approach” to handling clemency requests, and his promise of a more “open” pardon process seems so far not to have materialized.  In fact, the Justice Department’s pardon process appears to be more opaque and overburdened than ever before. This is largely because of the “clemency initiative” announced by the Attorney General in April of last year, which invited federal prisoners serving long prison terms to apply for commutation of sentence. Not surprisingly, many have accepted this invitation. The Washington Post reported on February 29 that “more than 35,000 inmates — about 16 percent of the federal prison population — have applied to have their sentences shortened under the Justice Department-led initiative,” either directly with the Office of the Pardon Attorney (OPA), or with the consortium of private organizations known as Clemency Project 2014.  Most of the applications are being processed through this private screening process.  The Post reports that “a complicated review process” has “slowed” the processing of this “massive influx of applications.”  After a full year, no grants have yet been made to applicants vetted by Clemency Project 2014, and according to the Post article it has to date submitted only 14 petitions to be considered for clemency. In addition to the thousands of prisoner petitions, more than 800 applications for full pardon have been filed with OPA, some of which have been fully investigated and awaiting disposition for some time.  While it is true (as the President said) that many pardon petitioners are interested in restoration of their firearms rights (there is no other way), or are simply seeking official recognition that they have paid their debt to society, many others are badly in need of relief from the harsh consequences of conviction in the workplace and in the community.   With DOJ resources and attention focused on commutation requests, pardon cases appear to have been put on the back burner, and the newly appointed Pardon Attorney has so far declined requests to meet or speak about this neglected aspect of her office’s workload. Never before in our history has the pardon power played a more important role in the justice system, and never before has the official pardon process seemed so dysfunctional.  It is understandable that the President would be reluctant to use an extraordinary constitutional power to address systemic problems with the legal system, but then one might expect to see him encourage legislative substitutes for pardon, such as the judicial certificates whose enactment in Illinois he himself secured a decade ago, or even the federal expungement proposal sponsored by Senators Cory Booker and Rand Paul.  The Justice Department has available to it statutory authority for seeking sentence reduction from the courts, but it has been unwilling to use it except for prisoners who are dying or completely disabled. President Obama’s comments expressing impatience with the output of the Justice Department’s pardon process are eerily reminiscent of President Bill Clinton’s comments expressing frustration with the pardon process shortly before the end of his term: I have done–I haven’t seen the final numbers, but before the last batch at least, I had done fewer than any President in almost 30 years. And part of that, frankly, is the way the system works, something I’m not entirely satisfied with.   The consequences of President Clinton’s dissatisfaction with the official pardon process at the end of his term are well known.  President Bush experienced a similar disappointment in the official process, and attempted to warn his successor.  George W. Bush, Decision Points 105 (2010)(““On the ride up Pennsylvania Avenue on Inauguration Day, I told Barack Obama about my frustrations with the pardon system. I gave him a suggestion: announce a pardon policy early on, and stick to it.”) Let us hope that there is still time before the end of his term for President Obama to get what he wants from the Justice Department’s pardon process, something Presidents Clinton and Bush were not able to do, or to put in place a substitute for it.  If past is prologue, this will not happen if the Justice Department is left to its own devices. Getting the Justice Department’s pardon process to deliver a substantial number of favorable recommendations, whether in commutation or pardon cases, will take direct hands-on intervention from the White House, by people who have an understanding of how the process can and should work to serve the presidency as well as the American public.  Otherwise, one can predict only a token number of commutation grants and a scrum of pardon favor-seekers outside the White House Counsel’s door in the final days of President Obama’s term.  He can’t say he wasn’t warned.     Read more

President promises more pardons (we think)

In a wide-ranging interview with Buzzfeed’s Ben Smith posted on February 11, President Obama was asked about the employment difficulties faced by young black men with a felony record.  His response suggests that he may be interested in addressing through his pardon power the problems faced by people with federal convictions seeking restoration of rights and status, as he addressed them through law-making as a member of the Illinois legislature. This in turn suggests to us that the Justice Department may now be engaged, at the President’s direction, in a more proactive consideration of applications for a full presidential pardon. We post the exchange in full, so our readers can judge its import for themselves: We asked our readers [for] questions and we got a lot of questions about weed. One guy, Shawn Gould from Wilmington, it’s a familiar situation. He has a felony marijuana possession conviction, so he can’t get a job. He said he can’t get a job at Boston Market. A kind of problem that disproportionately affects young black men like him. This is obviously a policy challenge you’ve spent your whole career — one of them — thinking about, but you’ve been president for six years. What do you say to him?     Obama: We have tried to begin a process of reforming how we deal with nonviolent drug offenses, starting with Eric Holder, our attorney general, providing different criteria for evaluation for U.S. attorneys, suggesting to them they don’t always just have to charge the maximum in order for them to do a good job. In fact, sometimes it’s more appropriate to look at whether a charge against a nonviolent drug offender is the right charge. We are reaching out to judges and lawyers — both prosecutors and defense bar — to look at how we can begin to more systematically change sentencing when it comes to nonviolent drug offenses. We’ve revamped the pardoning office in the Justice Department because, traditionally, we weren’t reaching a lot of nonviolent offenders who, if they received a pardon, perhaps would be in a better position to get employed.  Overall – and the final thing is our office of drug prevention policy, one of the things we’re trying to do is move off just an enforcement/incarceration strategy more to a public health, treatment strategy. . . . This is the first we’ve heard that the Justice Department’s pardon process has been “revamped” in order to “reach[] a lot of nonviolent offenders who, if they received a pardon, perhaps would be in a better position to be employed.”  We knew that, at the President’s direction, the Justice Department had appointed a new Pardon Attorney and enlisted the services of hundreds of private lawyers to process clemency applications from individuals seeking release from prison.  But this is the first sign that the President may also be interested in granting clemency to people who have completed their sentences but remain burdened with legal restrictions and social stigma.  This is welcome news and, truth be told, long overdue. Recently USA Today’s Greg Korte reported that President Obama’s pardoning record is the least generous in our Nation’s history, and that his few pardon grants have mostly gone to low-profile individuals convicted of minor crimes many years ago.  (“The 50-year-old pardon: Obama picks safe clemency cases”).  Based on this and other news accounts, their primary reasons for seeking pardon seem to relate more to firearms and forgiveness than they do to jobs. We hope to see some further evidence in the near future of a revitalization and re-purposing of the pardon program to address the situation of those who are seeking relief from collateral consequences.  We also hope that President Obama will not wait until his final year to press the Justice Department to increase the staff resources devoted to this part of the clemency caseload.  Both Presidents Clinton and Bush waited too long to inquire into the state of the Justice Department’s pardon program, and at least in President Clinton’s case this delay resulted in considerable embarrassment at the end of his term. President Bush commendably avoided what he later described in a memoir of his presidency as a “last-minute frenzy” of pardon requests from “outside the formal channels.” He recounts how he advised his successor about how to handle pardon requests: “On the ride up Pennsylvania Avenue on Inauguration Day, I told Barack Obama about my frustrations with the pardon system. I gave him a suggestion: announce a pardon policy early on, and stick to it.” Until now, it has appeared that the only policy informing this president’s pardoning was to avoid controversy by doing as little as possible.  Indeed, as far as we can tell, the Buzzfeed interview is the first time in six years that President Obama has acknowledged his own power to forgive, with the obvious exception of the silly turkey-pardoning ceremony at Thanksgiving. Perhaps he now realizes how shortsighted such a policy is, and that he has at last directed the Justice Department to pick up the pace in dealing with the hundreds of clemency applications awaiting his consideration from people who have long since paid their debt to society but remain burdened by legal restrictions and social stigma.   Read more